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1.
孔子的伦理思想与孙思邈的医学道德观杨青儒家的创始人孔子,是中国古代第一个伦理思想家,他对西周以来的伦理思想进行总结,建立了一个以“仁”为核心的道德规范体系。这个体系渗透到中国封建社会生活的各个领域,“济世活人”的医学也就自然地接受它的渗透和影响。唐代...  相似文献   

2.
先秦儒家义利观及其当代价值   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
以孔子、孟子、荀子为代表的先秦儒家,主张“义以为上”、“见利思义”、“义利两有”,是我国传统伦理思想的重要组成部分,对于塑造中华民族精神产生过重要影响。在构建社会主义和谐社会过程中,坚持义与利的辩证统一,对于弘扬以“八荣八耻”为主要内容的社会主义荣辱观,促进精神文明与物质文明协调发展,维护社会稳定必将产生积极作用。  相似文献   

3.
孔子的经济伦理思想研究   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
孔子的经济伦理思想构建是以“义利之辨”为基础 ,以“富国安民”为中心 ,以“均而安”和“节用”等德政措施为手段 ,达到经济发展与社会稳定的双向目的 ,具有德性主义的性质。  相似文献   

4.
“为政以德”—孔子的政治伦理学说   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
孔子在同生徒们谈论学问的时侯,以及同王侯们谈论国事的时候,始终是把伦理思想同政治思想联系在一起的。其鲜明标志,就是他所讲的“为政以德”(《论语·为政》以下凡引此书只注篇名)。为了把孔子“为政以德”这句话的具体内容了解得比较透彻,有必要首先把这句话中的“政”和“德”这两个基本概念的含义作一番深入的探讨。  相似文献   

5.
作者对先秦伦理思想作了较系统的考察,认为春秋战国之际是宗法奴隶制伦理危机和地主阶级新伦理形成时期,孔子的伦理思想基本上还是维持宗法奴隶制道德,而墨子的兼爱说冲破孔子“仁”的贵族藩篱,尖锐地批判了孔子旨在维护宗法制的孝弟之道。战国后期,荀子对诸子的伦理思想进行了批判总结,初步确立了地主阶级的伦理思想。韩非的忠孝观念则体现了其专制主义精神,也为后世统治者所采用。  相似文献   

6.
孔子的“爱人”思想及其现代意义杜振吉“仁”是孔子伦理思想的核心内容,也是孔子道德理论中的基本原则,而“爱人”则是孔子关于“仁”的道德原则的理论基础和第一要议,也是人们在实践“仁”的过程中的首要的指导思想和道德要求。在孔子看来,以“爱人”作为人与人之间...  相似文献   

7.
传统儒家伦理思想有着较为浓重的理想主义色彩, 同时又具有经世致用的特点, 这一点在孟子的伦理思想中得以凸显。孟子一方面承袭和发展了孔子“仁学”伦理思想体系, 另一方面又对如何实现儒家伦理目标提出了自己的一些观点,“权变”范畴就是其中的重要内容。在孟子的伦理思想体系中,“权变”既是实现其理想人格的方法, 也是其达到从道义世界向现实生活转换的必要环节。一“权变”一词, 从词义讲, 就是灵活、变通。孟子把“权”的概念引入其伦理思想中, 是从更为宽泛的角度论证了其“仁义”道德的实现途径, 进而诠释了儒家伦理的普遍意义。具…  相似文献   

8.
宋化玉 《孔子研究》2023,(5):106-116+159-160
孔子的政治思想中有两条线索。备受学界关注的“从周”与“正名”的思想线索,接续的是春秋霸政时期以礼维护层级秩序的传统,并非单一维护君主集权。而“小邦君子政治”的思想线索,依托于春秋末期出现的邑宰政治,是由君子在底层担负政治责任,以实现良好的政治局面。与孔子维护“君主本位政治”的传统看法不同,这两条思想线索皆为“君子本位”。它们构成了孔子政治思想的主要内容。其中“小邦君子政治”的思路,是孔子政治思想中尤其值得重视的一个面向。  相似文献   

9.
孔子毕生以创建“仁学”伦理文化、丰富和发展传统周礼为己任 ,未将思考和阐发当时的法和“法制”问题作为自己主要的人生目标。政法不分的专制统治模式使他的“为政以德”主张合乎逻辑地具有“为政以法”(“为政以刑”)的特质 ,“为政以德”也合乎逻辑地含有“为法以德”的思想。从儒家伦理思想的基本特性和《论语》看 ,孔子不仅不“轻法”,而且对法和“法制”是给予充分肯定的。  相似文献   

10.
"政治伦理智慧"是对政治领域人伦关系及其道理悟性认识的成果,它既是一种出众的政治伦理思想,还是维持政治领域良好人伦关系应遵循的规则之艺术。老子与孔子的政治伦理智慧,有同有异。在政治伦理智慧的基础上,其根基都来源于天命与天人合一思想。但老子形而上为"道",孔子形而下为"仁";在政治伦理智慧的核心上,老子开启了"无为而治"模式,孔子发展了"以德治国"模式;在政治伦理智慧的指向上,两者都将"和谐"作为最高价值追求,老子把"小国寡民"视为实现和谐的理想社会,而孔子则将"大同世界"看成实现和谐的理想王国;在政治伦理智慧的根本上,他俩都主张民本主义,然老子倡导"愚民"政策,孔子则倡导"教化"政策;在政治伦理智慧的治术上,老子推崇"水德",实行"若水之道",孔子则推崇"中道",实行"中庸之道"。二者的政治伦理智慧都给后人留下了深刻且长远的影响。  相似文献   

11.
Considering the implications of social exchange theory as a context for social role behavior, we tested relations between ethical leadership and both person- and task-focused organizational citizenship behavior and examined the roles played by employee gender and politics perceptions. Although social exchange theory predicts that ethical leadership is positively associated with citizenship, social role theory predicts that the nature of this relationship may vary on the basis of gender and politics perceptions. Results from data collected from 288 supervisor-subordinate dyads indicate that the pattern of male versus female employees' citizenship associated with ethical leadership depends significantly on their perceptions of politics. Implications for theory and practice are discussed.  相似文献   

12.
The idea that politics should promote the happiness of the population is rather common in the community of happiness researchers. This political view is sometimes based on the happiness principle, the fundamental ethical view that we have a strong moral reason to do what we can to maximize the happiness and minimize the suffering in the world. The first main purpose of this paper is to investigate (1) what role this principle play in ethics as a whole, how it should be weighed against other moral considerations, and (2) how exactly it should be understood, i.e. which possible version of the principle that is most plausible. This is the only way to arrive at well-founded theory of the fundamental moral (and political) significance of happiness and suffering (an “ethics of happiness and suffering”). The idea that politics should promote happiness is sometimes accompanied by the notion that we should introduce some kind of happiness index, and that it is a central goal of politics to maximize the value of this index. The second main purpose of this paper is to examine this suggestion. I will first ask (3) how such an index should be constructed, assuming that it might be a good idea to construct an index in the first place. I assume that an index of this kind cannot be plausible unless it incorporates a number of moral considerations, and that (3) is very closely related to (2). I will then ask (4) whether the suggestion is plausible, or whether there are better ways to put a politics of happiness into practice, e.g. to simply apply the knowledge we have about the determinants of happiness.  相似文献   

13.
Scholars have largely focused on the negative consequences of organisational politics for employees' performance. In contrast, we maintain that organisational politics has positive aspects and moderates the relationship between employee engagement and behaviors at work such as knowledge sharing, creativity, proactivity, and adaptivity. Using data from 253 high‐tech employees and their supervisors in Israel, our findings demonstrate that perceptions of organisational politics strengthen the relationship between employee engagement and these behaviors. When engaged employees perceive their workplace to be political, they are more proactive, creative, and adaptive, and more likely to share their knowledge with their peers. These findings confirm the challenge/opportunity stressor theory regarding perceptions of organisational politics and suggest that whether politics is viewed as positive or negative depends on the employees' point of view. For those who are engaged and more actively involved in their jobs, politics can be regarded as a challenge and even an opportunity for obtaining more resources to improve their performance. Implications for the development of theory and practice in this area are discussed.  相似文献   

14.
谶纬之学是汉代的一种具有浓重神秘主义色彩的学术思想。它的形成,是齐文化与鲁文化结合的精神成果之一。具体来讲,齐地的方士文化与鲁文化的代表儒学在新的时代背景下,适应于统治者的政治需要,组合形成了谶纬之学,并对汉代政治和文化的走向产生了重大影响。  相似文献   

15.
The relationship between religion and politics in Muslim contexts has been discussed from many different perspectives. One of these proceeds from the theory of religious politics, according to which political thoughts and decisions are justified and legitimated with the support of theological explanations. A central premise is that religion is able to provide a moral sanction for political actions and decisions. This article discusses the relationship between religion and politics in a Shiite context in pre-modern and early modern times, based on the theory of religious politics. The central point is that the Shiite scholars, during the Safavid era (1501–1736), based their secular viewpoints on interpretations of the Quran, the hadiths, and the 12 Imamite Shiite sources, especially the specific ideas about the hidden imam, to legitimate their own collaboration with the Safavid kings. According to this theory, the religious politics occur within an ideological context such as a nation-state and specific historical circumstances. The religious legitimizations of political actions are usually intertwined with local and historical identities. As such the religious ideologies reflect not a return to tradition per se, but rather an ideological reconstruction of tradition for a new context. The ultimate question is which came first? Did the theological interpretations precede secular and political decisions, or was it the other way around? The theory of religious politics arrives at the conclusion that the theological explanations are employed to legitimate traditions of political thought and secular decisions and not the reverse.  相似文献   

16.
This research examined the interaction of organizational politics perceptions and employee age on job performance in 3 studies. On the basis of conservation of resources theory, the authors predicted that perceptions of politics would demonstrate their most detrimental effects on job performance for older workers. Results across the 3 studies provided strong support for the hypothesis that increases in politics perceptions are associated with decreases in job performance for older employees and that perceptions of politics do not affect younger employees' performance. Implications of these results, strengths and limitations, and directions for future research are discussed.  相似文献   

17.
One of the most pressing concerns in the study of international relations today is to develop a systematic account of the impact of domestic politics on foreign policy. This paper argues that domestic politics frequently influences foreign policy through a process of decision-making that grows out of the decision-maker's awareness of the requirements for effective action in the political context. It is therefore necessary to develop a theory that can explain how the political context's characteristic features affect decision-makers' thinking. In attempting to combine insights culled from the literature on political decision-making with psychological theories of decision-making processes, this paper offers a first step toward such a theory.  相似文献   

18.
Franz Mang 《Dao》2018,17(1):29-49
Confucian scholars should satisfy two conditions insofar as they think their theories enable Confucianism to make contributions to liberal politics and social policy. The liberal accommodation condition stipulates that the theory in question should accommodate as many reasonable conceptions of the good and religious doctrines as possible while the intelligibility condition stipulates that the theory must have a recognizable Confucian character. By and large, Joseph Chan’s Confucian perfectionism is able to satisfy the above two conditions. However, contrary to Chan and many other Confucian scholars, I argue that any active promotion of Confucianism will violate the liberal accommodation condition. I propose the “wide view of moderate perfectionism,” which enables Confucianism to shed light on a wide range of political and social issues without promoting Confucianism actively. Thus, I present a new approach to the long-standing question of how Confucianism may improve political and social development in a liberal society.  相似文献   

19.
Scholars and popular commentators have often stereotyped emotion as a tool that citizens use to reason about politics in place of hard fact and critical thought. Indeed, critics have often seen emotion as a potentially dangerous force that can sway the unsophisticated masses to undesirable ends. This article challenges the view that emotion is an outgrowth of low sophistication, arguing that high sophisticates are more likely to experience emotion in reaction to politics and that emotions are more influential on the political behavior of high sophisticates. Drawing upon appraisal theory, this article develops a theory of how political engagement elicits emotionality about politics, and how emotion interacts with understanding and motivation to produce its greatest impact on the behavior of those citizens who are the most politically sophisticated. Behavioral effects are examined in the contexts of presidential voting behavior and Iraq War policy attitudes. Hypotheses are tested on pooled American National Election Studies (ANES) data and an original web‐based survey of undergraduates.  相似文献   

20.
The proposition that organizational politics perceptions are potential stressors with potentially dysfunctional outcomes was set forth based on previous theory. The hypothesis that the dysfunctional outcomes of stress associated with the perceptions of the organizational political climate can be ameliorated by understanding the environment was tested in a field study. Results provided strong support for the hypothesis, demonstrating a significant interaction of politics x understanding on job anxiety, and showing that understanding can serve as an antidote of sorts to the dysfunctional effects of organizational politics.  相似文献   

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