5-12岁儿童短时距守恒性年龄特征的初步研究

本研究的主要目的在于用实验验证短时距守恒性的存在,并考察不同年龄的儿童在短时距守恒性判断上的特点和发展水平。本研究提出了衡量儿童短时距守恒性判断发展水平的参照指示。结果显示:(1)儿童在短时距时间守恒性判断上有年龄特征上的差异,这种差异表现为连续发展的过程,具体体现在儿童短时距守恒有三个发展水平,5-8岁为第一水平,9-10岁为第二水平,11-12岁为第三水平,各水平儿童使用的策略不同。(2)各组儿童所采用的认知策略随儿童思维发展水平由低级到高级、由具体到抽象不断进步,在时距守恒中各认知策略出现的顺序为:恒等性——同时性——互补性——逻辑性。(3)儿童时间守恒能力的发展和完善要迟于、难于空间守恒能力。     

五岁儿童自主性与权威认知的相关研究

本研究采用实验室观察法对五岁儿童自主性与权威认知之间的关系进行探讨。结果表明:(1)五岁儿童自主性与权威认知间相关显著,权威认知水平高的儿童自主性发展水平高,权威认知水平低的儿童自主性发展水平低;(2)五岁儿童权威认知与自主性三个维度间相关均显著。权威认知水平高的儿童,其自我依靠、自我控制和自我主张水平高;权威认知水平低的儿童,其自我依靠、自我控制和自我主张水平低。     

4.5-7.5岁儿童时间持续认知发展的实验研究

本实验以“龟兔赛跑”故事为背景,设置了含有时间、距离、速度等因素的四个情景(即课题),考察了4.5─7.5岁儿童时间持续认知的发生和发展状况。结果表明:5.5─7.5岁是儿童时间持续认知发展的飞跃期;6.5岁儿童初步掌握时间持续概念,其中有75%儿童处于中以上水平;4.5岁和5.5岁分别是儿童时间持续认知的发生和开始发展的年龄。从儿童的策略看,较大儿童更多使用时间因素策略,年幼儿童更多使用有关的因素策略,反映出儿童时间认知的发展遵循从感性直观到抽象概括的思维发展规律。     

4~7岁儿童依据对繁殖的朴素理解区分植物和非生物的认知发展

以152名4~7岁儿童为被试,采用访谈和判断选择任务探查他们对植物繁殖的认知。结果发现,①4~7岁儿童对植物繁殖的认知可分为不理解、部分理解和确切理解三种水平,儿童在入学后7岁能依据对植物繁殖的朴素理解区分植物与非生物;②通过降低材料难度和任务形式要求的难度,可以有效地发掘年幼儿童的认知潜能,即大部分6岁学前儿童就能够理解植物繁殖;③任务难度的改变对处于部分理解水平的5、6儿童影响更为显著：使他们在选择任务上的认知成绩优于访谈任务,对有明显果实和种子植物的认知优于无明显果实和种子植物的认知     

3～11岁儿童类比推理发展的研究

该研究随机抽取180名3~11岁儿童,采用几何图形、关系图形、词语、数字、故事五种材料,考察儿童类比推理发展的年龄特点和规律。结果发现：（1）4~5岁儿童开始能够进行类比推理,类比推理随年龄的增长逐渐发展,呈上升趋势;（2）儿童类比推理的发展表现出阶段性的特点;（3）儿童类比推理的发展不受材料影响,具有一定稳定性;（4）小学高年级儿童类比推理发展水平较高,学前儿童水平较低。     

动画与儿童的认知发展

动画对儿童认知发展的预设包括动画对儿童认知发展水平的各方面的预设,这种预设从动画中的要素体现出来。如动画的画面对儿童的吸引,动画声音的处理是否利于儿童的理解,动画的剧情是否符合儿童的认知发展水平等。同时,在儿童发展的动态水平上,动画对儿童的成长也具有一定的导向作用。包括动画对儿童心理发展和成长过程中感知觉、数字概念、逻辑思维等方面的培养都有不可忽视的积极作用。     

学前儿童在游戏中社交和认知类型发展的研究──中美跨文化比较

采用时间取样观察法,以录像对中美１５０名学前儿童在游戏中的社交和认知类型进行比较研究,结果表明：①学前儿童社会交往发展水平、认知发展水平、游戏难度随年龄的增长而提高;②学前儿童较高水平的认知游戏行为与较高水平的社会技能的发展相关联,社交水平与认知水平的发展相互影响;③中美学前儿童社交和认知能力发展进程具有一致性,游戏行为发展模式具有一致性;④中美学前儿童游戏的方式和内容、社交和认知水平存在显著差异,表明不同文化背景的制约性。     

3．5～5．5岁学前儿童年龄认知发展的研究

该实验采用三个问题作业(“年龄比较”、“出生年龄”、“年龄变化”)及一个“图示作业”,调查了60名3．5～5．5岁儿童年龄认知的发生、发展情况,结果表明：3．5岁儿童处于年龄认知萌芽状态,4．5岁儿童年龄认知开始发生,5．5岁儿童的年龄认知已发展到较高水平。儿童年龄认知变化可用变化分割模型(简称CS模型)来解释。     

小学低年级儿童对友谊关系的认知发展

本研究用日常生活承诺问题的两难故事对小学低年级儿童作个别随访,探查了儿童对友谊关系的认知发展。结果表明,儿童有关社会-道德思维的发展遵循着一定的模式,各发展水平既是连续的,也各有质的特点,从而形成层次等级结构系统。与国外同类研究的发现不同,我国儿童在较低发展水平上已显示出对他人利益的关心和责任感。本研究还对发展中的个别差异作了探讨。     

9～11岁儿童形式运思能力发展的ERP研究

关于儿童认知发展的静息电位研究支持儿童发展的连续性与阶段性的统一,但诱发电位研究没能提供类似的证据,可能因为以往研究采用的oddball任务不够敏感.本研究通过改编形式运思任务来继续深入探讨儿童认知发展与大脑发育的关系.31名儿童(9岁组11人.10岁组10人,11岁组10人)完成形式运思任务,并同时记录脑电.结果发现:随着年龄增长,反应时逐渐缩短,正确率逐渐增高;三组儿童中,10岁组N380波幅最低,10岁组350-400毫秒的电位图较其他两组更为弥散.     

彝族、白族和纳西族大学生的基本颜色词分类

运用自然分类和多维标度法,研究了彝族、白族和纳西族237名大学生对11种基本颜色词的分类。结果表明,三个民族的大学生对11种基本颜色词的分类有一致之处,但也有文化差异。主要表现在：⑴基本颜色词的分类数目不同;⑵基本颜色词的类别不同;⑶基本颜色词语义空间的维度不完全相同;⑷每一类别中包含的颜色词及颜色词的数目不同。这些差异体现了文化和语言对颜色认知的影响     

民族道德的发轫过程及其状态探究

民族道德的产生大致经历了人类道德的真空——前人类社会的道德失范;民族道德的雏型——氏族道德;氏族道德向民族道德过渡的桥梁——部落道德;民族道德的形成——民族道德等几个阶段。在人类民族道德史上,氏族道德是起点,部落道德是中间环节,民族道德是基于氏族道德和部落道德而生发出来的。抑或说,民族道德是踩着氏族道德和部落道德的肩膀而发展起来的。     

Nationality, Distributive Justice and the Use of Force

To whom do we owe obligations of distributive justice? In the last decade a number of distinguished political theorists — such as David Miller and Yael Tamir — have defended a nationalist account of our distributive obligations. This paper examines their account of distributive justice. In particular, it analyses their contention (a) that individuals owe special obligations to fellow-nationals, (b) that these obligations are obligations of distributive justice and (c) that these obligations are enforceable. Miller and Tamir's justifications, I argue, do not support these claims. Moreover, I argue, (a) and (c) should only be accepted in a greatly qualified form and (b) should be rejected altogether. The paper thus concludes that the nationalists' preferred account of distributive justice is untenable.     

维吾尔族麻扎朝拜与伊斯兰教

本文系统地考察了麻扎朝拜的历史、种类和活动,指出维吾尔族的麻扎朝拜活动与其它伊斯兰教国家的圣墓朝拜的异同,以及维吾尔族在朝拜对象和活动内容上的特点。麻扎朝拜受到当时流行于新疆的萨满教、英雄崇拜、祆教、佛教、景教等各种信仰的影响,并与伊斯兰教什叶派的圣徒观念掺杂糅合在一起,尤其是苏菲主义依禅派教徒对其教派领袖(即依禅)的狂热崇拜对麻扎朝拜更是影响深远。依禅派信徒们围绕着其所崇拜的依禅们的麻扎举行宗教活动,这一特点丰富了麻扎活动内容并且扩大了麻扎的影响。而伊斯兰教的苏菲派、中亚的和卓朝拜使麻扎朝拜更加深化并上升到顶峰。     

壮族巫术、巫师与巫医

壮族医学和壮族的巫术、巫师、巫医之间的关系是十分密切的。最初壮族医学起源于壮族巫术,最早的壮族巫医则产生于壮族巫师之中,并由巫医发展为民间医生。后来,随着科学文化的发展,壮族医学才从巫术中独立出来,成为一门专门的学科。壮族巫术、巫师与巫医的产生和发展,是壮族医学产生和发展过程中一个不可跨越和替代的历史阶段。     

Nationality: Some Replies

This paper defends the principle of nationality against a number of critical objections made in recent issues of the Journal . It starts from the claim that national solidarity has served and continues to serve as an essential support to liberal democratic institutions and practices of social justice. Such national allegiances are not easy to defend if one begins from a cosmopolitan standpoint. But defending them does not mean embracing everything that people ordinarily believe — a political philosophy that begins from existing national sentiments can be sharply critical of the practices that are said to embody those sentiments. In particular justice, although its principles are context-dependent, is more than merely subjective.
The idea that nations are historic communities is defended against the charge that such 'communities' are in fact divided along lines of class, ethnicity, etc. Membership imposes obligations, but these are not merely to repeat what our ancestors have done; they are redefined in each generation. A principle of nationality that is reiterative and democratic, recognising the equal claims of other nations, and giving priority to the way the present inhabitants of a territory understand their identity, can remedy weaknesses in liberalism without licensing aggressive forms of nationalism.     

In Defence of Nationality

ABSTRACT The principle of nationality is widely believed to be philosophically disreputable and politically reactionary. As defined here, it embraces three propositions: national identities are properly part of personal identities; they ground circumscribed obligations to fellow-nationals; and they justify claims to political self-determination. To have a national identity is to think of oneself as belonging to a community constituted by mutual belief, extended in history, active in character, connected to a particular territory, and marked off from others by its members'distinct traits. Such identities are inevitably partly mythical in nature, yet they answer a pressing modern need, the maintenance of solidarity in large, anonymous societies. They are allied to no particular political programme. They do not require the suppression of minority cultures within the political community. They do not justify a secessionist free-for-all. Nor finally does recognition of the role of sentiments in constituting national communities commit us to a subjectivist view of social obligations. Philosophers should recognise the value of these loyalties even if they cannot be rationally grounded in a strong sense. [1]     

优秀的价值观是民族精神的核心和灵魂

民族精神内在于民族意识 ,是民族先进的、优秀的思想文化、民族性格、民族传统和价值观念 ,是民族意识的精华。民族价值观是民族精神形成和发展的向导和动力。民族精神实质上是一个民族渗透在其民族思想观念、文化模式、思维方式、伦理道德、心理结构、风俗习惯、语言文字之中的优秀的共同的价值观 ,民族的优秀价值观是民族精神的核心和灵魂。弘扬和培育民族精神必须重视发挥民族的优秀价值观的价值和作用。     

Intelligence and Nationality of Wisconsin School Children

Abstract

Among a sample of U.S. students, the effects of 3 forms of nonverbal behavior (facial expression, visual behavior, and body posture) on perceptions of power bases (reward, coercive, legitimate, referent, expert, and credibility) were investigated. In contrast to previous investigations of nonverbal behavior and power, a precise construct definition and reliable and valid operational definitions of power were used, and specific perceptions of power bases were examined. A relaxed facial expression, compared with a nervous facial expression, increased the ratings for referent, reward, legitimate, expert, and credibility power bases. Also, direct eye contact yielded higher credibility ratings than indirect eye contact.     

David Miller on Immigration Policy and Nationality

abstract   David Miller's recent statement of the case for restrictive immigration policies can plausibly be construed as an application of a 'liberal nationalist' position. The paper first addresses Miller's critique of distributive justice arguments for open borders, which relies on nationality as determinative of the scope of distributive justice and as giving rise to national collective responsibility. Three interpretations of his main positive reason for restricting immigration, which concerns the importance of a shared public culture, are then discussed: culture as having valuable social functions, as a context of choice, and as an object of self-determination. The paper assesses the plausibility of Miller's nationalist arguments, and concludes that they are either implausible or peculiarly weak compared to other considerations in favour of restrictions. Several of the arguments may alternatively be construed as non-nationalist, and it is argued that Miller's arguments are more plausible when considered as such. The broader implication is that, even if the concern with nationality is relevant and legitimate in other areas of politics, it is, perhaps surprisingly, either inappropriate or insignificant in relation to immigration policy.