A kinematic analysis of anticipatory coarticulation in the speech of anterior aphasic subjects using electromagnetic articulography

An investigation was made into the extent and time course of anticipatory coarticulation in the speech of two normal and two anterior aphasic, German-speaking subjects. Both labial and velar coarticulation gestures were investigated. Subjects produced sentences containing target words contrasting in postconsonantal vowel rounding (e.g., [geli:ge]/[gely:gel]) and in nasality (e.g., [ti:de]/[ti:ne]). Speech kinematics were monitored by means of electromagnetic articulography. The data revealed that for correct productions, aphasic speakers' coarticulatory patterns were more highly variable than those of control subjects. These differences, however, were found chiefly for spatial displacement characteristics, while the temporal aspects of articulator movement necessary for anticipatory coarticulation appeared largely intact. Articulator mistiming did not appear to explain a small corpus of stop/nasal substitution errors produced by one of the aphasic speakers.     

Anticipatory Coarticulation in Aphasia: Effects of Utterance Complexity

The magnitude and extent of anticipatory coarticulation were examined in groups of fluent and nonfluent aphasic patients and normal control subjects. One- and two-syllable target utterances were elicited at slow and fast rates of speech with or without a consonant intervening between the target consonant and vowel, and with or without a preceding schwa, to manipulate utterance complexity. Acoustic analyses (F2 and centroid frequencies) revealed that both groups of aphasic patients exhibited relatively normal patterns of anticipatory coarticulation. However, small but significant differences among the groups emerged in certain conditions. Surprisingly, increased utterance complexity was not found to reduce coarticulatory effects to a greater degree in the nonfluent relative to the fluent aphasic group. Perceptual tests largely confirmed the acoustic analyses.     

Tonal Coarticulation in Thai after Unilateral Brain Damage

The magnitude and temporal extent of anticipatory and perseverative tonal coarticulation was investigated in Thai-speaking normal and brain-damaged adults. A total of 47 speakers (10 young normal, 10 old normal, 13 nonaphasic right-brain-damaged patients, 14 left-brain-damaged aphasic patients, 9 fluent, 5 nonfluent) produced all 25 possible sequences of two tones from the five lexical tones of Thai embedded in a carrier sentence.F₀contours were analyzed in terms of height and slope at 10% intervals throughout the duration of the two syllables. Acoustic analysis revealed that anticipatory and perseverative tonal coarticulation of tones was markedly reduced in left fluent aphasics, totally absent in left nonfluent aphasics, but reasonably intact in right hemisphere patients. Findings are interpreted to highlight the nature of speech disturbances in nonfluent and fluent aphasia, hemispheric specialization for tone, and tonal coarticulation in Thai.     

Aspects of the syntax of behavior: Syllable structure and speech rate

This paper shows that maximal rate of speech varies as a function of syllable structure. For example, CCV syllables such as [sku] and CVC syllables such as [kus] are produced faster than VCC syllables such as [usk] when subjects repeat these syllables as fast as possible. Spectrographic analyses indicated that this difference in syllable duration was not confined to any one portion of the syllables: the vowel, the consonants and even the interval between syllable repetitions was longer for VCC syllables than for CVC and CCV syllables. These and other findings could not be explained in terms of word frequency, transition frequency of adjacent phonemes, or coarticulation between segments. Moreover, number of phonemes was a poor predictor of maximal rate for a wide variety of syllable structures, since VCC structures such as [ulk] were produced slower than phonemically longer CCCV structures such as [sklu], and V structures such as [a] were produced no faster than phonemically longer CV structures such as [ga]. These findings could not be explained by traditional models of speech production or articulatory difficulty but supported a complexity metric derived from a recently proposed theory of the serial production of syllables. This theory was also shown to be consistent with the special status of CV syllables suggested by Jakobson as well as certain aspects of speech errors, tongue-twisters and word games such as Double Dutch.     

Nonspeech and speech processing skills in patients with aphasia and apraxia of speech

Nonspeech and speech auditory processing skills as well as internal speech processing skills were assessed among four patients with acquired "pure" apraxia of speech, 10 with acquired aphasia, 10 with aphasia plus apraxia of speech, and 11 neurologically normal adults. Fourteen tasks were administered and performances on 68 variables were examined using both nonparametric and parametric analyses controlling for the effects of advancing age and associated hearing loss. In all cases, the "pure" apractic patients performed as normal subjects. Few differences were noted among the performances of the aphasic and aphasic-apractic subjects. Results led to three major conclusions: (1) apraxia of speech is a disorder distinct from aphasia; (2) aphasic individuals, despite locus of lesion, demonstrate disabilities for processing nonspeech and speech materials presented auditorily and for analytically evaluating speech evoked internally; and (3) aphasic individuals demonstrating similar severity levels of language impairment show similar performance patterns for these types of processing tasks, despite locus of lesion or coexistence of apraxia of speech.     

Comparison of the performances of a fluent and a nonfluent aphasic on a pantomimic referential task

The pantomimic performances of a typical Broca's (nonfluent) and Wernicke's (fluent) aphasic were compared with each other and with four normal control subjects on a simple task of nonverbal referential communication. Both aphasic subjects demonstrated only about 50% accuracy in their pantomimic communication. Also, measures were obtained of the motoric fluency of the pantomimes of all subjects and comparisons were made between the fluent and nonfluent aphasics. These measures demonstrated distinct differences in the fluency patterns of the pantomimes of the two aphasic subjects similar to the differences in speech fluency which distinguish and characterize these two types of aphasia; that is, the fluent aphasic pantomimed fluently and like the control subjects and the nonfluent aphasic pantomimed nonfluently. The quantitative and qualitative similarities in the fluency patterns of the speech and the pantomimic behaviors of the aphasic subjects are discussed in terms of their implications for a definition of aphasia.     

Compensation for Jaw Fixation by Aphasic Patients

The ability to compensate for fixation of the jaw by a bite block was investigated in 6 nonfluent aphasics, 6 fluent aphasics, and 10 normal control subjects. Acoustic analyses of the vowels [i u a æ] and fricatives [s s] revealed substantial but incomplete compensation for the perturbation in all three subject groups. Perceptual identification scores and quality ratings by naive and phonetically trained listeners indicated poorer identification of the high vowels [i u] under compensatory conditions relative to normal production. Of particular interest was the fact that all three groups of subjects exhibited similar patterns of results. The findings suggest that any deficit in speech motor programming demonstrated by the nonfluent aphasic patients did not affect compensatory abilities. Results are discussed with respect to normal speech adaptation skills and the nature of articulatory breakdown in nonfluent aphasia.     

On the causes of compensation for coarticulation: evidence for phonological mediation

This study examined whether compensation for coarticulation in fricative-vowel syllables is phonologically mediated or a consequence of auditory processes. Smits (2001a) had shown that compensation occurs for anticipatory lip rounding in a fricative caused by a following rounded vowel in Dutch. In a first experiment, the possibility that compensation is due to general auditory processing was investigated using nonspeech sounds. These did not cause context effects akin to compensation for coarticulation, although nonspeech sounds influenced speech sound identification in an integrative fashion. In a second experiment, a possible phonological basis for compensation for coarticulation was assessed by using audiovisual speech. Visual displays, which induced the perception of a rounded vowel, also influenced compensation for anticipatory lip rounding in the fricative. These results indicate that compensation for anticipatory lip rounding in fricative-vowel syllables is phonologically mediated. This result is discussed in the light of other compensation-for-coarticulation findings and general theories of speech perception.     

Velar movements during speech in two Wernicke aphasic patients

The articulatory gestures of the velum in two Wernicke aphasic patients were examined to compare their performances with those of an apraxic patient by means of the fiberoptic technique. In contrast to the marked variability in the apraxic performance in terms of velum height and segmental duration, the two fluent aphasic subjects showed a relatively high degree of consistency in velar movements throughout several repetitions of nonsense syllables and meaningful words. In addition, both patients exhibited a normal pattern of anticipatory coarticulation. Analyses of the velar movement patterns during the speech-sound error processes of both patients suggested that these errors were not due to an impairment at the level of articulatory programming but to an error in the selection of a target phoneme.     

Comprehending homographs in aphasia

This study assessed 13 aphasic subjects' knowledge of the multiple meanings of homographs. The results indicated that the various meanings were less available to aphasic subjects than to normal subjects. In addition, specific meanings became less available as they became less typical although the number of meanings associated with a homograph did not influence performance. Aphasia type also did not influence performance. Performance on the experimental test was significantly correlated with auditory comprehension level and picture naming ability. The results were related to recent findings on semantic organization in aphasia.     

Neologistic jargon aphasia: A case report

This study examined aspects of speech produced by an aphasic subject with neologistic jargon. Grammatical category, syllabic structure, and phonemic characteristics of neologisms, paraphasias, and correct productions were analyzed and compared. Results tended to confirm an anomic component in this type of aphasia and to support a role for the postactivation of phonemic units from prior utterances in the phonemic composition of some neologistic productions. In opposition to prior claims, however, the results also showed a striking similarity between neologisms and paraphasias, suggesting that similar mechanisms may be involved in both types of aphasic error.     

Amer-Ind versus ASL: recognition and imitation in aphasic subjects

The imitation and recognition ability of brain-damaged and normal subjects was tested for 30 pairs of semantically matched ASL signs and corresponding Amer-Ind gestures. Subjects were rated according to severity and site of lesion. They were 6 nonaphasic, right-hemisphere brain-damaged subjects, 12 aphasic subjects, and 12 non-brain-damaged geriatric subjects. Results indicated that the Amer-Ind gestures were significantly easier to imitate and to recognize than the matched ALS signs. The relationships between these gestural abilities and severity of aphasia, site of lesion, Amer-Ind transparency ratings, and subjects' performance on a standardized aphasia test are outlined. The theoretical implications that concern the neural systems which mediate spoken and limb gestures are discussed.     

Influence of vocalic context on perception of the [∫]-[s] distinction

When synthetic fricative noises from a [∫]-[s] continuum are followed by [a] or [u] (with appropriate formant transitions), listeners perceive more instances of [s] in the context of [u] than in the context of [a]. Presumably, this reflects a perceptual adjustment for the coarticulatory effect of rounded vowels on preceding fricatives. In Experiment 1, we found that varying the duration of the fricative noise leaves the perceptual context effect unchanged, whereas insertion of a silent interval following the noise reduces the effect substantially. Experiment 2 suggested that it is temporal separation rather than the perception of an intervening stop consonant that is responsible for this reduction, in agreement with recent, analogous observations on anticipatory coarticulation. In Experiment 3, we showed that the vowel context effect disappears when the periodic stimulus portion is synthesized so as to contain no formant transitions. To dissociate the contribution of formant transitions from contextual effects due to vowel quality per se, Experiment 4 employed synthetic fricative noises followed by periodic portions excerpted from naturally produced [∫a], [sa], [∫u], and [su]. The results showed strong and largely independent effects of formant transitions and vowel quality on fricative perception. In addition, we found a strong speaker (male vs. female) normalization effect. All three influences on fricative perception were reduced by temporal separation of noise and periodic stimulus portions. Although no single hypothesis can explain all of our results, they are generally supportive of the view that some knowledge of the dynamics of speech production has a role in speech perception.     

The relation between oral movement control and speech

A large series of neurological patients, selected solely on the basis that they had damage restricted to one hemisphere of the brain, was given a variety of tests of basic speech and praxic function. Within the left-damaged group, patients were further identified as aphasic or nonaphasic, based on preexisting standard tests of aphasia. Subgroups of aphasics were studied on the basis of lesion location, rather than on the basis of aphasia type. The focus of the study was the relation between the production of speech and nonspeech oral movements, particularly across anterior and posterior lesions. Reproduction of single nonverbal oral movements and of single isolated speech sounds was found to be very highly correlated, and both depended selectively on the left anterior region of the brain. This same region was critically important for rapid repeated articulation of a syllable, suggesting that it mediates control at some "unit" level of movement, in a phenomenological sense, for both speech and nonspeech movements. Other "speech" regions in the left hemisphere appeared to be dispensable for the production of single oral movements, whether these were verbal or nonverbal movements. However, for most aphasic patients, an area in the left posterior region was inferred to be essential for production of multiple oral movements, whether nonverbal or verbal, suggesting a critical role in the accurate selection of movements. Within the posterior region, there was further differentiation for multisyllabic speech into a parietal system, which appeared to mediate primarily praxic function, and a temporal system, which appeared to mediate verbal-echolalic function. Aphasias from anterior and posterior lesions resembled "Broca's" and "Wernicke's" aphasia only insofar as they differed in fluency, with anterior aphasics clearly less fluent. Tests of speech comprehension did not differentiate the groups. It is suggested that classifying aphasic patients via lesion location rather than aphasic typology might yield a view of functional subsystems different from those commonly accepted.     

Effects of imposed delay of response and item complexity on auditory comprehension by aphasics

Ten aphasic and five control subjects were administered an auditory comprehension task similar to Levels I-IV of the Revised Token Test under conditions of 0, 5, 10, and 20 sec of imposed response delay. Responses were evaluated in terms of performance accuracy and response time. Aphasic subjects' response accuracy was significantly effected by an interaction between the length of delay imposed and the complexity of the stimulus. The aphasic group also demonstrated a significant main effect for item complexity. Control subjects' accuracy was not influenced by the treatment conditions. Latency measures indicated the aphasic subjects were slower to respond across all treatment conditions. Both groups' latency scores were significantly effected by item complexity. A comparison of mean latencies by condition did, however, suggest different patterns of response for the two groups. Results are discussed in terms of theoretical and clinical implications for the auditory comprehension deficits of aphasia.     

PET activation studies comparing two speech tasks widely used in surgical mapping

"Automatic" speech, especially counting, is frequently preserved in aphasia, even when word production is severely impaired. Although brain sites and processes for automatic speech are not well understood, counting is frequently used to elicit fluent speech during preoperative and intraoperative cortical mapping for language. Obtaining both behavioral and functional brain imaging measures, this study compared counting with a word production task (generation of animal names), including non-verbal vocalizations and quiet rest as control states, in normal and aphasic subjects. Behavioral data indicated that normal and aphasic groups did not differ in counting or non-verbal vocalizations, but did differ significantly in word production ("naming" animals). Functional brain imaging results on normal subjects using partial least squares analysis of PET rCBF images revealed three significant latent variables (LVs): one for naming and vocalizing, identifying bilateral anterior areas, with left predominating over right; a second LV for naming, identifying left and right frontal and temporal areas. For the third, only marginally significant LV, which was associated with automatic speech alone (counting), right and subcortical sites predominated. For patients, two LVs emerged, identified with naming and vocalization, and corresponding to a variety of cerebral sites; the analysis failed to find a specific latent variable for counting. A comparison between group data for normal subjects and patients suggested that the naming, counting, and vocalization tasks were performed differently by the two groups. These results suggest that word generation as a verbal task is more likely to elicit activity in classical language areas than counting. Further studies are suggested to better understand differences between neurological substrates for non-propositional and automatic speech.     

Verbal reaction time patterns in aphasic adults: consideration for apraxia of speech

Verbal reaction time patterns were compared in aphasic adults presenting anterior and posterior left hemisphere lesions. Reaction Times were measured from simultaneous recording of the subjects' verbal responses and electromyographic activity from three oral-facial sites. Total Reaction Time was fractionated into Premotor Time and Motor Time components to assess latencies associated with motor speech planning and execution. The results suggested that only anterior lesions result in deficits in motor speech planning and/or execution while posterior lesion patients perform no differently than normal. The evidence supports traditional concepts regarding apraxia of speech as being associated with frontal lobe lesions.     

Perception and production of tone in aphasia

An acoustical and perceptual study of lexical tone was conducted to evaluate the extent and nature of tonal disruption in aphasia. The language under investigation was Thai, a tone language which has five lexical tones--mid, low, falling, high, and rising. Subjects included six left brain-damaged aphasics (two Broca's, one transcortical motor, one global, one conduction, one Wernicke), one right brain-damaged nonaphasic, one cerebellar dysarthric, and five normals. High-quality tape recordings of each subject's productions of a minimal set of five, monosyllabic Thai words were presented to 10 adult Thai listeners for identification. Results from the phonemic identification tests indicated that tone production is relatively spared in aphasic patients with unilateral left hemisphere lesions. The performance of the global aphasic, however, was considerably below normal. Patterns of tonal confusions further revealed that the performance of all aphasics, except the global, differed from that of normal speakers primarily in degree rather than in kind. Tonal contrasts were signaled at a high level of proficiency by the right brain-damaged and dysarthric patients. Acoustical analysis revealed that F0 contours associated with the five tones for all aphasics, except the global, were similar in overall shape as well as position in the tone space to those of normals. F0 contours for the right brain-damaged patient and the dysarthric also generally agreed with those of normals in terms of shape and position. F0 ranges of both aphasic and nonaphasic brain-damaged speakers were generally larger than those of normals for all five tones. The relationship between tone and vowel duration was generally similar to that of normals for all brain-damaged speakers. A comparison of aphasics' performance on tone perception (J. Gandour & R. Dardarananda, 1983, Brain and Language, 18, 94-114) and tone production indicated that, for the normal and right brain-damaged subjects, performance on the perception task was higher than on production, whereas the opposite was true for the aphasics. These data are brought to bear on issues related to tone production in aphasia, consonant and vowel production in aphasia, hemispheric specialization for tone production, intonation production in aphasia, relationship between speech perception and speech production, and tone production in dysarthria with cerebellar disease.     

Disturbed coarticulation in apraxia of speech: acoustic evidence

The results of a recent perceptual study (W. Ziegler & D. von Cramon, 1985, Anticipatory coarticulation in a patient with apraxia of speech. Brain and Language 26, 117-130) provided evidence for disturbed coarticulation in verbal apraxia. Further support for this finding is now provided by acoustic analyses. Formant frequencies and LP reflection coefficients were chosen to assess anticipatory vowel-to-vowel coarticulation and vowel anticipation in stop consonants, respectively. These parameters revealed a lack of coarticulatory cohesion in the speech of a patient suffering from verbal apraxia, explainable by a consistent delay in the initiation of anticipatory vowel gestures. The findings are discussed with respect to prosodic features and to theoretical and clinical concepts of verbal apraxia.