五世纪初期河西走廊大乘禅法探源

<正>一、引言根据相关文献、史料、石窟题名的记载,有诸位禅僧在公元五世纪初期到访过河西走廊。例如《高僧传》记载到:“外国禅师昙无毗,来入其国,领徒立众,训以禅道。”^[1]且炳灵寺169窟第6龛(420年前后)中,也有比丘道融与昙摩毗的造像与题名。^[2]此外《高僧传》中,也记载了禅僧玄高在西秦(409-431)隐居在麦积山,     

慧海胜境 福山胜地 记烟台福山峆寺北大核心CSSCISSCI

峆山,又名宝映山,位于山东烟台福山区南部,是福山第一高峰。关于峆山,有一个美丽的传说：曾有一位高僧需要峆草为百姓治病,发现此处盛长此草,故以此命名。之后,高僧在山里建寺常住,因山而名,于是有了峆寺。传说难以考证,但山上至今仍生长茂盛的峆草,药用价值高,深深造福于当地百姓。史料记载,峆寺始建于唐朝开元年间（713—730）,原为佛教胜地。     

西南古刹——泸州法王寺

一、法王寺的历史沿革法王寺,位于四川泸州市合江县二里乡凤凰山风景区,距县城40公里,距贵州赤水市12公里,海拔820米。法王寺系清同治年间敕赐十方丛林,川南黔北著名古刹。据史料记载,法王寺始建于宋、元之际,兴于明、清。法王寺碑记载"欲知梵刹之因肇启兴,崇于宋元,历乎明,千有余岁。其香火无乏,而欣慕者岂胜言哉"。从这段碑文记载看,法王寺的初建年代应在唐朝中晚期,而发展于宋元,但历经战乱匪祸时毁时建。清初,佛教禅宗临济正宗破山大师高足丈雪禅师,选定法王寺为蜀南黔北传法布道寺院,以弘扬佛法。清乾隆庚申年,成都三圣寺高僧文遂禅师来     

昙始考

昙始是北魏时期佛教神异人物,也是最早向高丽传播佛法的高僧。《高僧传》基于宗教目的,载述其神异事迹较多;《广弘明集》则较为客观;再与正史《魏书》对比,以及与《昙始行状记碑》、山西青莲寺出土的昙始造龙华像碑相互参证,甄别人物,厘清了昙始扑朔迷离的生平行迹,总结了他在中国佛教史上的功绩,亦从侧面反映了《高僧传》等佛教史传文献的撰述特点。     

保志禅师交游考——以《高僧传》为中心

<正>高僧保志,又名宝志,在南梁慧皎所撰《高僧传》中有梁京师释保志传,唐道宣《续高僧传》中也有数言^[1],宋惠洪撰《石门文字禅·钟山道林真觉大师传》中云：“(南朝梁)敕谥广济大师……(唐代)谥曰妙觉……(宋)太宗皇帝……赐号道林真觉大师。”^[2]保志不仅被历代皇帝追赠谥号,关于他神力的记载也愈加玄妙。梁《高僧传》中,保志被归入“神异”高僧,     

灵鹫东来：佛教圣地名称的变迁

正佛教山名、寺名是佛教文化一扇重要窗口,其中蕴含着丰富的内涵,如"护国寺"是政教关系的体现,"观音院""弥陀寺"则反映了佛教信仰的流行情况。本文即以"灵鹫山""灵鹫寺"为例,通过对《高僧传》所载"虎市山"改名"灵鹫山",以及《灵隐寺志》所载"灵鹫寺"改名"兴圣寺"这两个事件的讨论,谈一点关于圣地搬迁与佛教中国化的思考。     

唐高僧义净与齐州山茌县的因缘

正义净法师(635-713)是我国唐代高僧、佛教四大译经家之一,是我国著名的佛学家、翻译家、旅行家,与东晋法显大师、唐玄奘大师并称为我国"三大求法高僧"。义净法师,俗姓张,字文明,齐州山茌县山庄人(今位于山东省济南市长清区)[1]。其所著《大唐西域求法高僧传》(以下简称《求法高僧传》)与《南海寄归内法传》(以下简称《寄归传》),为中外文化交流史上的经典之作。义净法师的籍贯,向有"范阳"与"齐州"两说。明嘉靖《山东通志·山川》记载:"碛金(湑)山在长清县城南三里,山有真相院。     

开封相国寺简介

相国寺,位于开封市中心,月匕齐天保六年(555)创建,初名建国寺,未人,即告荒废。后由时称“造寺祖师”的慧云法师为安奉弥勒像而复建。据《宋高僧传·相国     

沩仰宗创始人灵祐祖师殿落成

本刊讯11月8日,福建省霞浦县建善寺举行庆祝祖师殿落成暨灵1232年(711-2003)诞辰纪念法会,来自各地的四众弟子和还乡探亲的港澳同胞一千多人参加了这一盛典。沩山灵禅师系福建霞浦籍唐代高僧,是我国禅宗五家之一的沩仰宗创始人。据《宋高僧传》卷十一、《景德传灯录》卷九记载;沩山禅师灵俗姓赵,福州长溪(治所在今福建霞浦南乡)人。15岁时,在霞浦东关建善寺削发出家,25岁那年,他只身到潭州沩山(今湖南长沙宁乡西)修行。由于受到相国裴休尊崇,朝庭礼遇,沩山禅风大振。他十分重视禅农并举,致力于弘扬佛法60余年,创立了独树一帜的沩仰宗。于公…     

华严宗三祖法藏身世的新资料——兼述龙门石窟中的外国人造像

关于法藏的身世,唐秘书少监阎朝隐《大唐大荐福寺故大德康藏法师之碑》、崔致远《唐大荐福寺故寺主翻经大德法藏和尚传》及《宋高僧传·法藏传》等所言至略。十年前,因调查龙门碑刻资料,发现法藏造像四处,祖坟题刻一处,皆可补僧传之阙,兹介绍如下: 1.在魏字洞有小龛,造像记云:“法藏为父母、兄弟姊妹,又为胜蛮,敬造弥陀像一龛。乾封二年(667)四月十五日。” 2.在考龙窝上方有一唐初小洞,内题     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.