How well can the theory of planned behavior account for occupational intentions?

We tested the capacity of an extended version of the theory of planned behavior (TPB) to account for intentions to work for the UK’s National Health Service (NHS) as a nurse, physiotherapist or radiographer amongst three groups: professionally unqualified (N = 507), in professional training (N = 244), and professionally qualified (N = 227). We found strong support for the three core TPB variables attitude, subjective norm and perceived behavioral control as predictors of behavioral intention, and limited support for two additional variables: moral obligation and identification. There were some differences in the relative importance of TPB variables between groups. We conclude that the TPB has utility for more complex behaviors as well as simpler ones that are more frequently researched. However, more attention should be paid to differences in people’s circumstances, particularly regarding past vocational decisions and behavior, and to obstacles to implementing an intention.     

How bad can a good enough parent be?

Almost everyone accepts that parents must provide a good enough upbringing in order to retain custodial rights over children, but little has been said about how that level should be set. In this paper, I examine ways of specifying a good enough upbringing. I argue that the two dominant ways of setting this level, the Best Interests and Abuse and Neglect Views, are mistaken. I defend the Dual Comparative View, which holds that an upbringing is good enough when shortfalls from the best alternative upbringing in terms of the child's interests are no more significant than the parents' interest.     

How can Ethnomethodology be Heideggerian?

The purpose of this paper is to begin to try to understand the extent to which ethnomethodology (EM) might be informed by some concepts and ideas from the work of the philosopher Martin Heidegger. This is done in two parts. The first looks at Heidegger's later work and compares his conception of the ontological difference with Garfinkel's work on the difference between EM and formal sociological analysis (FA). The second part turns to Heidegger's earlier work (around Being and Time) and works through a number of affinities between the analysis of Dasein and ethnomethodological versions of everydayness.     

How do implementation intentions promote goal attainment? A test of component processes

Implementation intentions are plans that specify the when, where, and how of goal striving in advance, and have been shown to enhance rates of goal attainment compared to merely forming respective goal intentions. The present research investigated whether the accessibility of the specified situation (cue accessibility) and the strength of the association between the specified situation and the intended response (cue-response linkage) explain the impact of implementation intentions on goal achievement. Findings indicated that participants who planned how to undertake a verbal task better attained their goal compared to participants who did not form a plan. Crucially, implementation intention effects were mediated by the accessibility of the specified cue and by the strength of cue-response links. These findings support the idea that implementation intentions benefit performance because control of behavior is delegated to specified situational cues that initiate action automatically.     

How much can people really change?

The basic purpose of pastoral counseling, and counseling in general, is to help people change. Therefore, it's critically important to understand the nature of change and to have realistic expectations with respect to how much people can change. To expect too little change can lead to underachievement and despair, whereas to expect too much change can cause needless frustration and an abiding sense of failure. This article discusses behavioral change, its potential and its limits, from the point of view of genetic potential and offers some specific pastoral implications.     

Impulsivity as a precedent factor for problematic Internet use: How can we be sure?

Previous research has suggested that problematic Internet use (PIU) is associated with impulse control disorder. Although researchers have suggested that impulsivity is a risk factor for PIU, the literature lacks longitudinal evidence on the relationship between impulsivity and PIU. We aimed to use a cross‐lagged analytic framework to identify temporal order effects and hypothesised that impulsivity was the precedent factor for PIU. In a panel sample of college students (N = 367), trait impulsivity and PIU were measured in the spring of freshman year and in their junior year. The measures included a self‐developed PIU Scale and the revised Impulsiveness Scale based on Barratt's concept. We found that “non‐planning impulsivity” was not associated with PIU. The “motor impulsivity” subfactor was thus adopted in the cross‐lagged model. The results suggest that motor impulsivity and PIU were stable across time. Motor impulsivity at Time 1 positively predicted PIU at Time 2, but PIU at Time 1 did not predict motor impulsivity at Time 2. A further investigation using gender as a moderator found a gender difference in the temporal relationship. Because motor impulsivity is a risk factor for PIU, potential prevention strategies based on this result are suggested.     

How can a stereotype inconsistency bias be encouraged in communication?

This study aimed to investigate what conditions can lead to a bias for communicating stereotype inconsistent (SI) information, relative to stereotype consistent (SC) information. Sixty‐three undergraduate university students (22 males, 41 females; M_age = 21.25) read a story about an Arab man who exhibited characteristics consistent and inconsistent with the stereotype of Arab men. The story was transmitted through 21 three‐person communication chains; each participant rewrote the story from memory for the next person in the chain to read, with only the first participant in each chain reading the original story. As hypothesized, when a surprising category conjunction was formed by pairing the primary stereotype (Arab men) with a secondary stereotype of a contradictory nature (kindergarten teachers), SC information was circulated less than SI information. This was also the case when a causal explanation was provided that accounted for the unexpected SI information. Findings indicate the potential of techniques that elicit cognitive elaboration of SI information to encourage an SI bias in communication, and show promise for exploring ways to reduce the impact of negative stereotypical information in the long term.     

How many ways can you die? Multiple biological deaths as a consequence of the multiple concepts of an organism

Theoretical Medicine and Bioethics - According to the mainstream position in the bioethical definition of death debate, death is to be equated with the cessation of an organism. Given such a...     

How many faces can be processed during a single eye fixation?

The purpose of our study was to estimate the perceptual span for facial information: how many faces can be processed during a single eye fixation. We used a visual-search task, in which the targets and distractors were facial photographs. The task of the observer was to search for and identify a target face in an array of faces. We measured the time needed for one search--threshold search time--by using a multiple-alternative staircase method. The threshold represents the duration of stimulus presentation at which the probability of correct responses was 79%. The array size was varied from 2 x 2 to 8 x 8 faces. Simultaneously with the performance measurements we measured eye movements with a video eye tracker. We found that threshold search time increased with increasing set size nearly linearly. The number of fixations also increased linearly from unity at the smallest set size to about fifteen at the largest set size. The result of 2 x 2 faces during a single fixation gave an estimate of 4 faces for the perceptual span. If, on average, only half of the elements had to be scanned for finding the target, 15 fixations at the largest set size (8 x 8) gave another estimate of 2.13 faces. The mean fixation duration was around 200 ms. Thus, the results suggest that 2-4 faces can be processed during one fixation of about 200 ms.     

How many parameters can a model have and still be testable?

A standard rule of thumb states that a model has too many parameters to be testable if and only if it has at least as many parameters as empirically observable quantities. We argue that when one asks whether a model has too many parameters to be testable, one implicitly refers to a particular type of testability, which we call quantitative testability. A model is defined to be quantitatively testable if the model's predictions have zero probability of being correct by chance. Next, we propose a new rule of thumb, based on the rank of the Jacobian matrix of a model (i.e., the matrix of partial derivatives of the function that maps the model's parameter values onto predicted experimental outcomes). According to this rule, a model is quantitatively testable if and only if the rank of the Jacobian matrix is less than the number of observables. (The rank of his matrix can be found with standard computer algorithms.) Using Sard's theorem, we prove that the proposed new rule of thumb is correct provided that certain “smoothness” conditions are satisfied. We also discuss the relation between quantitative testability and reparameterization, identifiability, and goodness-of-fit testing.     

How can studies of information consumers be used to improve the educational communication system?

What do more than, two decades of studies of education information consumers tell us that might be helpful for developing an information system that would be more responsive to consumer needs and more compatible with their information search and use behavior? The essence of the answer is that information and communication behavior, in the aggregate, is extremely complex and multiply determined. However, research suggests that the information market can be segmented into submarkets, that there are several modal “information styles” for each submarket, and that perhaps the most promising strategies for improving systemwide effectiveness would, be to focus more attention on improving the performance of information brokers and intermediaries, and the performance of the print-prone gate keepers in the various types of organizations that use educational information.     

How can mindfulness be promoted? Workload and recovery experiences as antecedents of daily fluctuations in mindfulness

While previous work on mindfulness has focused predominantly on the benefits of mindfulness and of mindfulness interventions, the present article addresses the question of how natural experiences of mindfulness can be promoted in the context of work. Accordingly, this article sheds light on day‐to‐day fluctuations in workload and recovery experiences (psychological detachment and sleep quality) as antecedents of state mindfulness. Furthermore, this study extends extant research that has documented beneficial effects of mindfulness on subsequent recovery experiences by arguing that the relationship between mindfulness and recovery experiences is reciprocal rather than unidirectional. Using an experience‐sampling design across five workdays and involving three daily measurement occasions, we found that sleep quality and workload were related to subsequent levels of mindfulness. While not displaying a significant direct relationship with mindfulness, psychological detachment was indirectly related to mindfulness via sleep quality. Fatigue was identified as an important mechanism explaining these relationships. Furthermore, findings confirmed that the relationship between mindfulness and recovery experiences is reciprocal rather than unidirectional. Taken together, this study contributes to an enriched understanding of the role of mindfulness in organizations by shedding light on factors that precede the experience of mindfulness and by pointing to the existence of gain spirals associated with recovery experiences and mindfulness.

Practitioner points

• Organizations seeking to promote mindfulness among their workforce should try to keep workload to a manageable degree.
• Organizations may also pay attention to care for employees' day‐to‐day recovery as it has been shown to facilitate mindfulness.

     

Expectation of outgroup behaviour: can you trust the outgroup?

Outgroups are usually viewed with suspicion and expected to discriminate against the ingroup. The present study demonstrated that ingroup members attributed past discriminatory behaviour committed by individuals of unknown group membership more to outgroup members than to either ingroup members or members of a neutral group. In contrast, past egalitarian behaviour was attributed less to outgroup members than to members of a neutral group. Ingroup members also expected more discrimination from a future outgroup allocator than from a future neutral group allocator. Finally, the study showed that ingroup members' own behaviour in allocating money became more biased in favour of ingroup members vis-á-vis outgroup members when the future allocator was from an outgroup rather than from a neutral group and when they had witnessed the discriminatory behaviour of an allocator in the past.     

How many locations can be selected at once?

The visual system uses several tools to select only the most relevant visual information for further processing, including selection by location. In the present study, the authors explored how many locations can be selected at once. Although past evidence from several visual tasks suggests that the visual system can operate on a fixed number of 4 objects or locations at once, the authors found that this capacity varies widely in response to the precision of selection required by the task. When the authors required precise selection regions, only 2-3 locations could be selected. But when the selection regions could be coarser, up to 6-7 locations could be selected. The authors discuss potential mechanisms underlying the selection of multiple locations and review the evidence for fixed limits in visual attention.     

Can the theory of planned behaviour predict maintenance of a frequently repeated behaviour?

The present study used the theory of planned behaviour to predict self-monitoring of blood glucose in patients with type 1 diabetes. Sixty-four adult patients with type 1 diabetes completed a questionnaire assessing the variables of the TPB in addition to demographic variables and a measure of conscientiousness. Self-report measures of daily self-monitoring behaviour were obtained for a two-week period. The extended model predicted 46% of the variance in behavioural intention and 57% of variance in self-monitoring behaviour, suggesting that the TPB is able to predict useful levels of variance, comparable to initiation, even in familiar and frequently repeated maintenance behaviours. Implications of these results are discussed.