Pro-drug-use myths and competing constructs in the prediction of substance use among youth at continuation high schools: a one-year prospective study

Experimentation with drugs among adolescents often is preceded by faulty beliefs (myths) regarding drug effects. The present study provides empirical demonstration of the utility of a drug use myths index in the prediction of subsequent drug use in a prospective study of substance use among high-risk adolescents. Drug use was measured as an index of recent cigarette, alcohol and marijuana use. A belief-type drug use myths index was compared as a predictor of drug use with four other frequently researched correlates of drug use. The other measures were of social influence, outcome expectancies, attitudes toward wrongness of drug use and sensation seeking. The belief-type drug use myths, attitudes toward wrongness and sensation seeking indices were found to be significant predictors of drug use among our sample of 1074 youth when controlling for gender, ethnicity and prior drug use. These findings have implications for understanding factors contributing to individual differences in drug use behaviors and could benefit the development of drug education programs for high-risk individuals.     

Rape Myth Acceptance in College Students: How Far Have We Come?

Researchers have emphasized the significant roleof rape myth acceptance in individuals' predispositionto engage in sexually aggressive behavior, includingrape. The purpose of this study was to examine the current state of rape myth acceptance incollege students and the factors which differentiatedacceptance vs nonacceptance of rape myths. One hundredfifty-eightprimarily Caucasian respondents were provided with two measures of attitudes towardrape and asked the degree to which they agreed ordisagreed with each statement. Results indicated thatcollege students reported disagreement with rape myth statements. However, variations in the degreeof disagreement emerged; men and individuals who had notattended a rape awareness workshop expressed weakerdisagreement with rape myths than women and individuals who had attended a rape awareness workshop.Discriminant analysis of these variables successfullyidentified a core set of rape myths which differentiatedindividuals in terms of the degree to which they subscribed to rape-supportive attitudes.Conclusions were drawn regarding rape myth acceptanceand the need for further research.     

RAPE MYTHS. In Review

Theories of sexual aggression and victimization have increasingly emphasized the role of rape myths in the perpetuation of sexual assault. Rape myths are attitudes and generally false beliefs about rape that are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women. Acceptance of such myths has been assessed with a number of measures, and investigators have examined its relationship with numerous variables and interventions. Although there has been extensive research in this area, definitions, terminology, and measures of rape myth acceptance (RMA) continue to lack adequate theoretical and psychometric precision. Despite such criticisms, we emphasize that the significance of this type of research cannot be overstated because it has immense potential for the understanding of sexual assault. The present article offers a theory-based definition of rape myths, reviews and critiques the literature on rape myth acceptance, and suggests directions for future research. In particular we argue that such work must include the development and application of improved measures, with more concern for the theoretical and methodological issues unique to this field.     

Deconstructing the Associations of Religiosity,Christian Denominations,and Non-Religions to Rape Myth Acceptance among University Students

Minimal research exists regarding the relationship between rape myth acceptance and religion. This study assessed rape myth acceptance of 503 university students’ disaggregated by five religious identities from 21 Division I postsecondary institutions. Except for Presbyterians, females disagree with rape myths at greater levels than males. Religiosity is a non-predictor for rape myth acceptance after controlling for students’ demographic and lifestyle characteristics. The least religious (Agnostics and Atheists) reject rape myths, whereas the most religious (Baptists and Presbyterians) show non-relationships with rape myths. Catholics accept rape myths, and religiosity functions as a moderator as highly religious Catholics reject rape myths.     

Attitudes Toward Prostitution and Acceptance of Rape Myths1

Rape myths and prostitution myths are a component of culturally supported attitudes that normalize violence against women. Prostitution myths justify the existence of prostitution, promote misinformation about prostitution, and contribute to a social climate that exploits and harms not only prostituted women, but all women. This study investigated the relationship between prostitution myth acceptance and rape myth acceptance in a sample of university undergraduates. Rape myth acceptance was positively correlated with prostitution myth acceptance among 783 university undergraduates from California, Iowa, Oregon, and Texas. College men were significantly more accepting of prostitution myths than were college women. Results suggest that acceptance of prostitution myths are a component of attitudes that justify violence against women.     

Myth-making,community, and catholic tradition

Assuming that myths and their stories are among the most prominent vehicles for teaching spiritual values and creating communities of faith, the purpose of this paper is to examine myth relative to its nature, role, and function. The presence of myth in society also allows for the evaluation of those myths that are evil. In addition to that, we have the inappropriateness of certain aspects of myths that need to be identified and removed, lest they contaminate the whole story and its spiritual effect.Each of these issues is addressed, and certain suggestions are made relative to greater community wholeness and spiritual well-being.     

Adolescent precursors of intensity of marijuana and other illicit drug use among adult initiators

This study examined (a) adolescent psychosocial risk factors for frequency (intensity) of marijuana use and for other illicit drug use among those who started using these drugs in early adulthood (adult initiators) and (b) the protective role of parent-adolescent relations in reducing or preventing drug use when adolescents enter early adulthood. The study's participants were male and female youth from a longitudinal prospective study. The participants' mean ages were 17 and 22 years at late adolescence and early adulthood, respectively. Independent measures assessed personality, parental, peer, and self-drug-use factors during late adolescence; dependent measures assessed frequency of marijuana use and other illicit drug use during early adulthood for initiators of the respective drug categories. The authors found that intensity of marijuana use was directly associated with the personality, parental, and self-drug-use domains and indirectly associated with the peer domain. Intensity of other illicit drug use was directly associated with personality and self-drug use. Analyses also revealed that some parent-adolescent relations factors buffered the effects of risk factors for both marijuana and other illicit drug-use intensity, whereas others enhanced the effects of protective factors against other illicit drug-use intensity. The results indicate that there are both commonalities and differences in precursors of marijuana and other illicit drug-use intensity among initiators of these drugs during early adulthood.     

A PSYCHOANALYTIC VIEW OF BIBLICAL MYTH1

The author looks at some ways in which certain biblical myths tell a story, a story about loss—loss of freedom, of the homeland, of God's favour, ultimately loss of the good object—and about guilt for these losses. He describes in the post‐exilic myth of the Old Testament and the Jesus myth of the New Testament a pattern in which, he argues, there is a ‘retreat’ from the depressive anxieties that seem to be troubling the group, with loss and guilt becoming mediated through a rigidified defensive organisation that holds out the promise that it will make this loss and guilt easier to bear. Guilt, worthlessness, badness and fallibility are split off and projected into a near foreign group blamed for loss, while within the group's own boundary there is an identification with righteousness and power. The author describes the post‐exilic myth and the Jesus myth as what he terms ‘hardened myths’ that embody a belief in an idealised privileged identity in which exclusive group possession of the good object is asserted. The analysis of such hardened myths reveals a shared belief in the efficacy of group idealisation. The author links the formation of these hardened myths with what we know about how individuals manage actual loss, and argues that (for the group as for the individual) the myths express collusion with the moral authority of an idealised and very punitive superego. The paper ends with a very brief suggestion that, analogously, hardened myths may be relevant in other cultural and social milieux, especially, perhaps, the troubled relations of some psychoanalytic groups to one another.     

Adolescent Precursors of Intensity of Marijuana and Other Illicit Drug Use Among Adult Initiators

This study examined (a) adolescent psychosocial risk factors for frequency (intensity) of marijuana use and for other illicit drug use among those who started using these drugs in early adulthood (adult initiators) and (b) the protective role of parent-adolescent relations in reducing or preventing drug use when adolescents enter early adulthood. The study's participants were male and female youth from a longitudinal prospective study. The participants' mean ages were 17 and 22 years at late adolescence and early adulthood, respectively. Independent measures assessed personality, parental, peer, and self-drug-use factors during late adolescence; dependent measures assessed frequency of marijuana use and other illicit drug use during early adulthood for initiators of the respective drug categories. The authors found that intensity of marijuana use was directly associated with the personality, parental, and self-drug-use domains and indirectly associated with the peer domain. Intensity of other illicit drug use was directly associated with personality and self-drug use. Analyses also revealed that some parent-adolescent relations factors buffered the effects of risk factors for both marijuana and other illicit drug-use intensity, whereas others enhanced the effects of protective factors against other illicit drug-use intensity. The results indicate that there are both commonalities and differences in precursors of marijuana and other illicit drug-use intensity among initiators of these drugs during early adulthood.     

Families' medical myths

A medical myth is defined as a false or distorted belief regarding issues of health within a family. This empirical study considers phenomenology, function and origins of medical myths operating in some forty families encountered in the author's psychiatric practice. Therapeutic strategies found useful in re-editing the myths are described. Implications for the family/medical professional relationship are discussed.     

Mythic perspectives for a world in distress∗

In a series of books and articles published over the past two decades, the authors have developed a five‐stage system for identifying and modifying the mythic structures that guide individual development. In this essay, they draw upon the integral relationship between personal and collective myths in applying this five‐stage model to contemporary social issues. They focus, in particular, on the mythic conflicts that underlie the tensions between progress and sustainability and between individualism and community. Based on the contradictory designs inherent in a prevailing myth and in an emerging myth, the authors present a dialectical model that is formulated to lead to a new myth that incorporates the most functional elements of old and emergent forces, while transcending their limitations. The essay closes with a discussion of social actions that may embed a new myth within a culture, along with the conditions that are required to effectively reinforce and maintain it.     

Battered Women

SUMMARY

This review of research findings on woman battering reveals how research has played a major role in changing social policy and challenging common myths and stereotypes. The earliest literature contained the ideas of a few psychotherapists who viewed woman battering as a rare phenomenon that involved masochistic women and sadistic men, which led to the myth of psychopathology as the mediating factor. Research following the birth of the battered women's movement destroyed this and some subsequent myths. It led to changes in medical practitioners' attitudes toward battered women patients and law enforcement's reaction to battering victims and their abusers. It also revealed important facts about the courts' handling of abusers and their victims and about violent relationships that result in homicide. The myth that children living in violent households are unharmed has been soundly discredited, yet despite these findings, many battered women continue to face serious difficulties when they attempt to divorce their abusers and obtain custody of their children. Other myths have been exposed by researchers on the basis of their findings. However, once ideas gain popular public acceptance, they tend to continue to exert influence. Nevertheless, positive changes have occurred in the entire spectrum of medical, legal, and social services with which battered women must interface. The research findings reviewed here help highlight current needs and suggest future directions.     

A BLACK FEMINIST MODEL OF RAPE MYTH ACCEPTANCE

A Black feminist model was used to investigate rape myth acceptance between African American antirape activists and a comparison group of nonactivists using Cross's (1991) racial identity model and Downing and Roush's (1985) feminist identity model. As predicted, activists rejected rape myths more than nonactivists; the earlier stages of both models were associated with rape myth acceptance; the later stages were associated with rape myth rejection; and activists evidenced more sociopolitical maturity (race and gender consciousness) than nonactivists. The findings suggest that researchers may need to investigate to what degree rape myth acceptance serves an overarching system of social domination where racism and sexism overlap.     

DOES PRE-EMPLOYMENT DRUG USE PREDICT ON-THE-JOB SUITABILITY?

Drug testing is increasingly used in the screening of applicants for employment. Despite the growth of drug testing, there is little research that examines the value of pre-employment drug-use information in the prediction of post-employment suitability. This research, which was based on a sample of 10,188 young adults, examined the criterion-related validity of pre-employment drug-use information. For all drugs examined, the greater the frequency of use and the earlier the age at which the drug was first used, the greater the probability of a person being classified as unsuitable after hire. However, the operational validity of each drug variable was influenced by the base rate of drug use. The low base rates for some drugs make their operational validity of limited value. The operational validity of the marijuana frequency-of-use measure (.07) was approximately equal to that of less frequently used drugs (e.g., stimulants and depressants). No strong moderators of the validity of a drug-composite measure were found.     

Rape Myth Acceptance and Sociodemographic Characteristics: A Multidimensional Analysis

Many myths have been identified surrounding rape, rapists, and rape victims. This study reexamines the acceptance of rape myths across gender role ideologies and selected demographic characteristics to identify core myths. Three myth categories were established and investigated: blaming the woman, excusing the man, and justifications for acquaintance rape. Findings indicate that rape myths remain prevalent and adherence to myths is related to demographic factors and gender role attitudes. Overall, respondents tend to excuse the man more than blame the woman. Males accept rape myths more than females. Racial differences emerged most strongly on the justifications for acquaintance rape dimension. Individuals with a conservative gender role ideology believe rape myths more than those with more liberal ideologies. While core myths did not emerge from the data, the most revealing finding is that summative scaling techniques used in previous studies may mask important differences, between and within the three dimensions, in rape myth acceptance among the groups studied.     

REDEFINING MYTH AND RELIGION: INTRODUCTION TO A CONVERSATION

Abstract. Minimally, myth means "story," and religion means "that which binds" a community into a coherent unity. Myth and religion are closely associated because a shared myth is the most efficient and effective means for achieving social coherence. Ancient myths were initially formulated in terms of the science of their day, Thus, an integration of science, myth, and religion is essential to a healthy culture. As these elements become disintegrated there arises a need to generate new mythic visions. The question of our day is whether science offers resources relevant to the expression of a new myth.     

CYCLE OF BLAME OR JUST WORLD

The conviction rate for sexual assault is persistently low in the United States. We propose a cycle-of-blame framework to highlight the possibility that the same rape myths that limit convictions are in turn strengthened by not-guilty verdicts. Participants read a summary of a rape trial. In different conditions, they were told that the jury's verdict was guilty or not guilty. In a No-Verdict condition, participants merely read the summary. All 96 participants subsequently responded to questionnaires measuring rape-myth acceptance and victim empathy. Gender affected both the myth and empathy measures, with women accepting fewer myths than men and exhibiting more empathy for the victim. Gender and Condition interacted such that men showed greater acceptance of rape myths and less empathy after a not-guilty versus a guilty verdict. Women evidenced consistently high empathy across conditions and greater myth acceptance after a guilty verdict. Although the cycle-of-blame principle is consistent with the performance of men, women's data require a different interpretation, which we base on just-world theory.     

The effects of aggressive pornography on beliefs in rape myths: Individual differences

This experiment assessed the effects of media depictions that portray rape myths on men's beliefs in such myths. The study was conducted in two separate sessions. At the orientation session, measures of personality, motivation, experience, and aggressive tendencies were administered to 307 males. In the experimental session, 145 of these men were first exposed to one of eight audiotaped versions of a passage. One of these portrayed the myth that rape results in the victim's sexual arousal. Later, subjects listened to a second passage depicting either nonconsenting or consenting sex. Their perceptions of the second portrayal and their beliefs in rape myths were then measured. The findings provided support for the hypothesis that media depictions suggesting that rape results in the victim's arousal can contribute to men's beliefs in a similar rape myth. Moreover, analysis of the mediating role of individual differences indicated that men with relatively higher inclinations to aggress against women are particularly likely to be affected by media depictions of rape myths. It is suggested that these data may be explained best on the basis of information retrieval processes. In addition, it was found that power motives were consistently related to greater beliefs in rape myths.     

Femininity and Masculinity in City-Form: Philosophical Urbanism as a History of Consciousness

Mutual feedback between human-made environments and facets of thought throughout history has yielded two myths: the Garden and the Citadel. Both myths correspond to Jung’s feminine and masculine collective subconscious, as well as to Nietzsche’s premise of Apollonian and Dionysian impulses in art. Nietzsche’s premise suggests, furthermore, that the feminine myth of the Garden is time-bound whereas the masculine myth of the Citadel, or the Ideal City, constitutes a spatial deportment. Throughout history the two myths have continually molded the built environment and thought, but the myth of the Ideal City – from Plato to Descartes to modernity – came to dominate city-form and ensuing aspects of contemplation. This relationship seems to have shifted during the twentieth century. Intellectual dispositions have begun to be largely nurtured by an incongruous city-form emerging from the gap between the incessant promise for an automated, well-functioning city, on the one hand, and looming alienation, coupled with the factual, malfunctioning city, on the other hand. Urban decay, a persisting and time-bound urban event that is a byproduct of this configuration, suggests the ascent of the Garden myth in post-modern city-form.