《孙子兵法》的战术思想体系

《孙子兵法》的战术思想体系葛荣晋孙子的宏观战略思想体系博大精深,微观战术思想体系内容也非常丰富。“致人而不致于人”、“奇正之术”、“避实击虚”和“九地”、“六形”的具体战术等,都是孙子的战术思想体系的基本内容。一、“致人而不致于人”的主动权思想孙武在...     

“不可胜在己,可胜在敌”新解

《孙子兵法·形篇》中有这样一段话: 孙子日:昔之善战者,先为不可胜,以待敌之可胜.不可胜在己,可胜在敌.故善战者能为不可胜,不能使敌之可胜.故曰:胜可知而不可为.不可胜者,守也,可胜者,攻也.守则不足,攻则有余.善守者藏于九地之下,善攻者动于九天之上,故能自保而全胜也.[1] 其中的"不可胜在己,可胜在敌"句,千百年来以其所蕴含的语言美、韵律美、融合美、思想美——精炼简约的语言,铿锵有力的韵律,语言与力度的完美融合,在军事思想之中又贯穿着质朴的唯物主义和生动的辩证法思想——而受到过无数学者的关注.但是对此句的理解,历来存在着分歧.十一家注中曹操有注云:自修理以待敌之虚懈也.     

齐国兵论冠天下(续)

齐国兵论冠天下（续）姜国柱九、知彼知己，百战不殆战争是生死之地、存亡之道的大事，对于这等大事，不能不知。只有知而战，才能战而胜。因此，齐国兵家论兵，历来强调知兵、料敌、知彼、知己。田穰苴认为，与敌交战，要知敌观变．才能制服敌人，取得胜利，只有知战，方...     

战略管理理论发展特征

战略管理是一门年轻而又丰富多彩的学科 ,它的发展过程及其特征受到了学术界与实业界的广泛重视。本文从战略思维、战略者、战略选择、战略实施、战略分析、战略资源、战略基础、战略结构系统和战略变革等九个方面作了尝试性讨论。同时也借鉴HenryMintzberg等人的学派划分法对战略管理理论流派作了述评     

管子、孙子兵学思想之比较研究

管子和孙子的兵学思想是齐鲁兵学的重要组成部分,分别体现于《管子》和《孙子》书中。由于二人所处地位和历史环境不同,导致二者兵学思想在有很多共同点的同时,也存在很大的不同之处。主要差别在于:管子战略论述取向为强国称霸,孙子战略论述取向为全胜保民;《管子》一书的主要内容是论述"统帅之学",《孙子》一书主要内容是论述"为将之道"。在战争几个重大要素上管子和孙子也存在若干差别。     

武当山道教文化

武当山道教文化杨立志武当山是著名的道教圣地，位居中国道教四大名山之首。据文献记载，汉魏六朝时，修仙学道之士荟萃是山，唐末，道教称之为第九福地；宋代道经尊此山为真武修炼之地，武当道正式形成；元代武当宫观教团日益发展；明成祖大建武当山宫观祠庙，明皇室长期...     

论"全"--关于《孙子兵法》"全"的外在解释

关于《孙子·谋攻》篇提出的“全” ,已故的郭化若先生是第一个予以注意的学者 ,但也仅止于指出“全”是一个兵学“概念 (范畴 )”[1 ] ,对“全”进行系统研究的是吴如嵩老师。吴师首次将“全”标举出来 ,认为“全”是孙子兵学思想体系之核心 ,是一个大战略概念。[2 ] 此说得具慧心 ,发前人所未发 ,因而在海内外孙子研究界引起共呜。如台湾学者钮先钟先生即表赞同。① 意大利学者亚力山德罗·高尔纳利亦曾予以注意 ,说 :“孙子思想的核心……体现在经常被战略专家和国际关系学者们所引用的名言中 :‘百战百胜 ,非善之善者也 ;不战而屈人之兵…     

刘秀“柔武”思想对《孙子》兵学理论的贡献

刘秀作为中国历史上杰出的政治家和军事家,在其长期的经国治军实践活动中,积累了丰富的军事经验,并形成了柔武制胜的军事思想特色。从四个方面论述了刘秀柔武思想对《孙子》兵学理论发展的贡献:宽仁恤民,注重教化,发展了《孙子》的道胜思想;远交近攻,不战屈人,完美诠释《孙子》的全胜思想;以智克力,以谋胜敌,灵活运用《孙子》战术思想;"文吏典军","泛爱容众",补充完善《孙子》治军思想。     

浅谈《孙子叙录》及其作者

浅谈《孙子叙录》及其作者毕庶金，石业华《孙子兵法》是中国文化宝库中的一颗璀璨明珠，历代为兵家及学者推崇和深入研讨。《孙子十家注》可谓兵家及学者研究《孙子兵法》之精华；《孙子叙录》则是将《孙子兵法》散见于历史典籍及各种史料中的《孙子》兵家片言只语汇为一...     

《孙子》管见

中国传统兵学的一个突出特征是富于战略性,表现为战略思维的发达和战略思想的丰富,注重对天下大势和战争全局的理性思考和能动把握。如何认识《孙子兵法》的主题?把握住《计篇》中的两个判断句很关键。第一句是"兵者国之大事也",第二句是"兵者诡道也"。对于孙子的智慧,不能简单片面地理解,而必须从其战略思维的特质去把握。总体看来,《孙子兵法》在战略思维上具有重根本、贵有备、求全胜和忌轻发四个基本的取向。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.