自我实现的幸福——心理幸福感研究述评

心理幸福感是基于实现论的幸福感研究范式,研究者认为幸福并不只是情感上的体验,而更应该关注个人潜能的实现,从理论出发建构幸福感的结构,指导幸福感测量的发展。已有的研究表明,人口学变量、人格变量和生活事件等内外因素可以较为有效地预测心理幸福感水平。近年来,心理幸福感与主观幸福感之间呈现出整合的趋势。此外,中国人的幸福感研究在借鉴西方成果的同时,仍然需要立足于本土文化,做进一步的理论探讨和实证检验     

金钱对幸福感的影响及其心理机制

传统经济学家认为,更多的收入会导致更高的幸福水平。心理学家在这个问题上则显得谨慎一些,他们从多个方面考察了金钱与幸福感之间的关系,并从中得出了一些引人深思的结论。研究表明,金钱能够通过人格、目标、动机、社会比较、适应与压力等中介变量对幸福感产生影响。未来研究应该在研究对象和方法上加以改进,在心理机制方面进行更深入的探讨。此外,本土化研究在我国有着重要的现实意义,有待于加强     

幸福感的稳态与跃迁：一个新的整合视角

以往的实证和理论研究对幸福感稳定性与变化性问题持有不同观点。设定点理论认为幸福感通常保持在设定点位置, 动态平衡理论(及其变式——主观幸福感稳态理论)进一步强调幸福感在围绕设定点的某个范围内波动而呈动态平衡状态, 享乐适应理论在动态平衡理论基础上从情绪适应的角度分析了幸福感维持稳定的原因, 这三个理论均强调幸福感维持在某个平衡水平。相反, 持续幸福理论强调幸福感是可以提升的, 能发生长期的变化。这些理论观点的差异本质在于如何看待幸福感的稳定性与变化性, 我们借用生物学中的“稳态”“稳态应激”概念及物理学中的“跃迁”思想, 认为幸福感不仅存在稳态, 也会出现稳态应激, 并可由此引起幸福感稳态的跃升。这一整合视角为幸福感研究提供了新的解释框架, 也对幸福感的持续提升有启发意义。     

亲社会支出对主观幸福感的影响及其作用机制

亲社会支出是指把钱以送礼或慈善捐款的形式花在别人身上, 而不是自己身上。它不仅可以给接受者带来好处, 还可以对给予者的幸福产生积极影响。亲社会支出对幸福感的影响主要体现在亲社会对象及影响效果两个方面, 其边界条件包括了外部与内部因素。通过自我决定理论、社会规范理论、进化理论及社会交换理论, 可以进一步解释亲社会支出影响主观幸福感的内在机制。未来研究需要检验亲社会支出与幸福感之间的边界条件、探究亲社会支出的长期积极效应及提高亲社会支出研究的生态效度。     

中国城镇低龄退休老年人工作与幸福感的关系

为探讨老年人工作与幸福感的关系,并对其机制作出解释,本研究利用中国家庭追踪调查(CFPS)数据,选取具有城镇户籍、60~69周岁的男性和50~69周岁的女性,形成3406人的样本,通过独立样本t检验和回归发现,我国城镇低龄退休老年人工作与幸福感负相关;交互效应分析指出这种关系随着老年人社会地位的提高逐渐弱化;工作对幸福感的中介效应分析结果显示,经济收入、人际交往、积极心态中介效应不显著,闲暇活动中介效应显著。因此,由前三者构成的工作对幸福感的正效应无法抵消因为闲暇损失所造成的负效应。     

自我提升幽默与生活满意度的关系：情绪幸福和社会支持的链式中介模型

基于幽默的释放理论、积极情绪的扩建功能理论和集体文化下生活满意度的预测指标提出自我提升幽默通过情绪幸福和社会支持两个链式中介变量提升生活满意度的假设模型。采用幽默风格问卷中的自我提升幽默维度、主观幸福感量表中的积极情绪和消极情绪维度、多维领悟社会支持量表和生活满意度量表对884名大学生进行调查。构建结构方程模型,联合显著性检验和Bootstrap检验表明了多重中介效应显著,总中介效果量为63.6%,其中通过情绪幸福这一中介路径的中介效果量最大,达47.3%。未来研究可探讨在个体主义文化背景下的不同链式中介效应。     

不同年龄群体大五人格与幸福感关系*

以毕生发展为研究视角,调查了3192位不同年龄群体被试,探讨不同年龄群体大五人格与幸福感的关系。结果发现:(1)各变量都存在显著的年龄效应,大五人格与主观幸福感相关显著;(2)在不同年龄群体里,神经质和开放性都能显著预测主观幸福感,且预测值随着年龄而增大,而外倾性、尽责性和宜人性对主观幸福感的预测存在年龄差异;(3)大五人格对主观幸福感的解释率随着年龄的增长而下降,到60岁之后其解释率上升;(4)年龄在大五人格与主观幸福感之间起了显著的调节作用。     

收入与幸福的关系及其现实意义

收入与幸福的关系一直饱受争议。文章在分析已有研究成果的基础上,总结出收入与幸福之间的曲线关系:在低收入水平下,收入的增加会导致幸福水平的显著提升,当收入一旦达到能够满足人们基本生活需要的水平之后,它对幸福的积极效应就会被社会比较、适应和欲望等心理因素削弱。基于这种关系,要提高中国人民的幸福感,一方面需要社会的人文关怀与公平调整,特别是制度设计,另一方面需要个人的努力奋斗和心理调节。     

主观幸福感及其与人格的关系综述

主观幸福感,即人们对他们生活的情感性和认知性评价,包括大多数人所谓的幸福、平静、成就和生活满意度。人格特征,特别是外向性和神经质,被认为是影响主观幸福感水平的主要因素。虽然人格能解释相当数量的主观幸福感的变异,但是人格与主观幸福感之间的因果联系还没有取得显著的研究成果。     

源于“反常”终于“常理”的禀赋效应

如果忽略收入影响和交易成本, 愿意为一样物品支付的价格应等于愿意出售的价格。而塞勒教授却发现, 现实生活中有一些“反常”现象, 个体会对自己所拥有的物品赋予更高的价值, 造成“愿意支付价格”和“愿意出售价格”的不一致。塞勒利用预期理论中的损失厌恶对这些反常现象进行解释, 并将该现象称为禀赋效应(endowment effect)。此后, 众多研究者从不同角度对该效应进行了探索和论证。文章详细梳理了禀赋效应的多种解释机制, 包括损失厌恶、心理所有权理论、偏差的认知过程以及进化的观点等, 论证了禀赋效应符合“常理”的原因, 同时也探讨了禀赋效应在商业销售策略和政府拆迁政策等方面的应用前景。     

The paradox of happiness: towards an alternative explanation

There is a common empirical finding in many countries that substantial increases in real per capita income do not correspond to equivalent increases of individual happiness. These findings have puzzled many economists that some have called the “paradox of happiness”. There have been a number of explanations regarding this paradox. This paper attempts to tackle the paradox of happiness by employing the idea of hierarchical choice. The hierarchical approach implies that there are some basic human needs which must be satisfied before non-basic needs come into the picture. The paper argues that the hierarchical structure of needs implies that the satisfaction of basic needs provides substantial increases to individual happiness compared to the subsequent satisfaction of secondary needs. This might also be an alternative explanation of empirical findings showing a positive relationship between income and happiness up to certain level of income. It can also be combined with existing explanations of the paradox and thus enhance our understanding of the issue.

Does More Money Make You Happier? Why so much Debate?

Easterlin’s famous paradox questioned standard economic assumptions about a fundamental relationship in economics: that between happiness and income. In recent years there has been renewed debate about the paradox. In this essay, I highlight some of the methodological issues and challenges underlying that debate. I focus on the sensitivity of the results to the method selected, the choice of micro or macro data, and the way that happiness questions are defined and framed, all of which result in divergent conclusions. I also note the mediating role of the pace and nature of economic growth, institutional frameworks, and inequality. What is most notable is the remarkable consistency in the determinants of individual happiness – including income – within countries of diverse income levels and, at the same time, how happiness is affected by cross-country differences that are related to average per-capita income levels, such as political freedom and public goods. Income clearly plays a role in determining both individual and country level happiness. Still, assessing its role relative to other more difficult to measure factors as countries develop in new ways and at different rates will remain a challenge for the foreseeable future.     

What wealth-happiness paradox? A short note on the American case

Happiness scholars have tried to resolve the seeming paradox that as Americans’ wealth increased substantially over the last few decades, their happiness did not. This article questions whether the paradox is real. Demonstrations of the paradox almost always rely on GDP per capita as the measure of wealth, but that is a poor measure of a people’s well-being. It is heavily and increasingly skewed; it does not account for effort. Using instead measures of household income, male income, and average wages eliminates the paradox; these indicators of affluence have grown only slowly or declined in the same period, paralleling the changes in happiness scores. Moreover, using these indicators reveals a modest but real correlation between material well-being and national happiness.     

Family support, family income, and happiness: a 10-year perspective.

This study examined the role of 2 central aspects of family life--income and social support--in predicting concurrent happiness and change in happiness among 274 married adults across a 10-year period. The authors used hierarchical linear modeling to investigate the relationship between family income and happiness. Income had a small, positive impact on happiness, which diminished as income increased. In contrast, family social support, measured by 3 subscales, Cohesion, Expressiveness, and Conflict, showed a substantial, positive association with concurrent happiness, even after controlling for income. Furthermore, family income moderated the association between family social support and concurrent happiness; family social support was more strongly associated with happiness when family income was low than when family income was high. In addition, change in family social support was positively related to change in happiness, whereas change in family income was unrelated to change in happiness. These findings suggest that happiness can change and underscore the importance of exploring more deeply the role that family relationships play in facilitating such change.     

Does Money Buy Immigrant Happiness?

The relationship between income and happiness for international immigrants has been relatively unexplored. A handful of cross-sectional studies has shown that income and happiness are positively correlated after migration, and that wealthier immigrants are more satisfied with their post-migration lives than are their less privileged peers. What is unclear is if the link between income and happiness remains positive as immigrants assimilate to life in a new country. This question is the focus of our study. Using longitudinal data from over 10,000 immigrants tracked up to 30 years in the German Socio-Economic Panel Survey, we set out to provide some insight into the long-term relationship between immigrants’ self-reported life satisfaction and the level of their income in its absolute form. Longitudinal analyses revealed that immigrants who experienced increases in income over time reported greater satisfaction with life and that the income-happiness link remained relatively stable over time. The effect of absolute income on immigrants’ happiness was, nevertheless, small. We also observed that country of origin played an important role in the post-migration association between income and happiness. Income was a stronger predictor of the life satisfaction of immigrants from poorer origins than it was for their wealthier counterparts.     

Does Piped Water Improve Happiness? A Case from Asian Rural Communities

This study explores whether piped water connection improves people’s happiness. To answer this question, the survey on rural households’ piped water connection situation along with happiness questions was conducted in the rural areas of Cambodia, China, and the Philippines. In these countries, it is common to find areas where some households have access to piped water system while similar households in the same vicinity do not. This allows us to directly test the impact of piped water connection on happiness. The findings of this study firmly suggest that piped water generally increase happiness mainly through convenience and time saving. These benefits are more pronounced in areas with no close substitutes for the connection. Using instrumental ordered probit model to account for endogeneity of the household income variable in the happiness equation, this study estimates the value of piped water connection to be about 30% of annual household income. This study also found that recent experiences, especially bad one, would influence reported global happiness. This finding is consistent with many studies in behavioral economics, which found that people give more attention to changes occurring in loss domain than those occurring in domain of gain. Variables that capture impacts of recent experiences would therefore be necessary in the happiness equation to avoid omitted variables bias.     

The relationship between religious orientation and happiness: the mediating role of purpose in life

Studies have demonstrated a positive association between religiosity and happiness and that other variables including purpose in life may account for this relationship. Few studies have examined the relationship between religious orientation and happiness, therefore the present study investigated whether purpose in life mediates the relationship between religious orientation and happiness. Three hundred and forty-two university students (men?=?117 and women?=?225) from Australia participated in the study. The results indicate that for women, purpose in life mediates the relationship between intrinsic religious orientation and happiness and for men, purpose in life mediates the relationship between extrinsic social religious orientation and happiness. The results are unexpected as intrinsic religious orientation negatively predicted happiness, whereas extrinsic social religious orientation positively predicted happiness. These findings suggest that further studies are needed to advance the understanding of these complex relationships.     

The Determinants of Happiness in Turkey: Evidence from City-Level Data

This paper analyses the determinants of happiness in Turkey between 2004 and 2013 by relying on TURKSTAT’s Life Satisfaction Surveys. It contributes to the literature by employing a set of novel variables and a larger dataset which became representative at city-level in 2013. Some of the interesting findings are as follows: degree of hope is found to be the strongest estimator of happiness which was neglected in previous studies; job satisfaction is as important as being employed. Similarly, being married makes people happier only if they are satisfied from their marriage. Education brings more happiness only if it helps to increase income. Moreover, our results support Easterlin Paradox (Nations Househ Econ Growth Essays Honor Moses Abramovitz 1974. doi: 10.1016/B978-0-12-205050-3.50008-7). We have shown that happiness and income share a potent and positive relationship when yearly or pooled micro datasets are analysed, which has not been observed in macro data.