Reason and Sensibility: The Ideal of Women's Self-Governance in die Writings of Mary Wollstonecraft

It is standard in feminist commentaries to argue that Wollstonecraft's feminism is vitiated by her commitment to a liberal philosophical framework, relying on a valuation of reason over passion and on the notion of a sex-neutral self. I challenge this interpretation of Wollstonecraft's feminism and argue that her attempt to articulate an ideal of self-governance for women was an attempt to diagnose and resolve some of the tensions and inadequacies within traditional liberal thought. ¹ 1 I use the terms “autonomy” and “self-governance” interchangeably in this article, although only the latter term was used by Wollstonecraft. My tendency, however, is to stick with Wollstonecraft's own term.
     

Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Mary Wollstonecraft on the imagination

The article compares Rousseau’s and Wollstonecraft’s views on the imagination. It is argued that though Wollstonecraft was evidently influenced by Rousseau, there are significant differences between their views. These differences are grounded in their different views on the faculty of reason and its relation to the passions. Whereas Rousseau characterizes reason as a derivative faculty, grounded in the more primary faculty of perfectibility, Wollstonecraft perceives reason as the faculty defining human nature. It is argued that contrary to what is often assumed, Wollstonecraft’s conception of the imagination is not primarily characterized by its Romantic features, but rather by the close affinity she posits between reason and the imagination. This close affinity has several consequences. One consequence is that she is less worried than Rousseau about the imagination wandering without external constrains, because she believes in reason’s ability to guide the imagination by choosing its objects. Ultimately the difference between Rousseau’s and Wollstonecraft’s views on the imagination helps us understand why she was a passionate philosopher of the Enlightenment while he was one of its first, perceptive and most articulate critics.     

Mary Astell: Including Women's Voices in Political Theory

Writing in the seventeenth century, Mary Astell offers some splendid models of what it can mean to include women in determining the purposes of politics, in marking the boundaries of issues on the political agenda, and in analyzing particular political concepts. A contending voice in early modern philosophy, Astell's contributions to political thought are made more visible here by contrast with Thomas Hobbes, with whom she was familiar and somewhat sympathetic.     

Freedom as Independence: Mary Wollstonecraft and the Grand Blessing of Life

Independence is a central and recurring theme in Mary Wollstonecraft's work. Independence should not be understood as an individualistic ideal that is in tension with the value of community but as an essential ingredient in successful and flourishing social relationships. I examine three aspects of this rich and complex concept that Wollstonecraft draws on as she develops her own notion of independence as a powerful feminist tool. First, independence is an egalitarian ideal that requires that all individuals, regardless of sex, be protected to a comparable extent in all areas of social, political, and economic life, no matter whether this is in the public or private sphere. Second, so long as this egalitarian condition is not compromised, independence allows for individuals to perform differentiated social roles, including along gendered lines. Finally, the ongoing and collective input of both women and men is required to ensure that the conditions necessary for social independence are maintained. In Wollstonecraft's hands, then, independence is a powerful ideal that allows her to argue that women must be able to act on their own terms as social and political equals, doing so as women whose perspectives and interests may differ from men's.     

'Not Empire, but Equality': Mary Wollstonecraft, the Marriage State and the Sexual Contract

Mary Wollstonecraft's Vindication of the Rights of Woman , first published in 1792, has proved a problematic 'classic text' for feminism. This paper focuses on the liberal concept of self-ownership to show how the Vindication both confronts and perpetuates the dilemmas of 'liberal feminism'. Self-ownership is not a term used by Wollstonecraft herself, but I make use of it in this paper because I believe it captures what she means by 'independence', arrived at by a combination of reflection, self-government and labour. It implies a natural right to resist oppression and arbitrary government and so reaches the heart of Wollstonecraft's argument against patriarchy as a particular form of arbitrary power. As Alan Ryan argues, 'each of us is obliged to obey the government so long as it upholds our natural rights, but if it violates them, we are not obliged to obey'. As a liberal concept, self-ownership is fraught with ambiguity for feminism. Donna Dickenson argues that it can be interpreted both as 'masculinist through and through' and as 'the essence of feminism'. Its very ambiguity makes it an appropriate conceptual lens through which to view Wollstonecraft's own contradictory arguments.     

Belonging and Doing: Political Churches and Black Political Participation

The importance of the political church in Black political participation has brought to the attention of scholars the differences among Black churches and their effect on Black mobilization. The Black church has on many occasions transformed itself into a politicized organization. These political churches become settings that encourage political knowledge and skills ( Tate, 1993 ) and communicate political activity as a norm ( Calhoun-Brown, 1996 ). The earlier work on political churches has established the importance of these organizations for voter turnout and other forms of political participation. What has been left unexamined is the nature of the political churches themselves. This project disentangles these churches by looking at the heterogeneity within the structures of the political churches. In general, we seek to understand which of the internal activities of the political church tend to foster acts of political participation. We hypothesize that cost- underwriting activities and obligation-creating activities within the church setting have the greatest impact on participation. By examining a robust and expansive operationalization of the political church construct, we find that these types of political church activities matter more than other activities. In specifying how churches may work to directly affect the participation of their members, we seek to expand the scope of general comprehension of political churches.     

Wanting It All: Career, Marriage, and Motherhood During College-Educated Women's 20s

College women's expectations for career, marriage, and motherhood were assessed during the senior year, and their outcomes were assessed 7 years later. In 1993, 118 White women and 82 Women of Color were randomly selected from 5 northeastern colleges and interviewed in person. In 2000, 178 (89%) were reached for second interviews by telephone. Results indicate that as seniors the women wanted careers, marriage, and motherhood. Career development was the priority of their 20s. At the 7-year point, marital status was unrelated to advanced degrees attained or to career status, but mothers had significantly fewer advanced degrees and lower career status than nonmothers. Socioeconomic status, race, and intentions concerning career and family were related to career status and motherhood status.     

Motivating Political Participation Among Youth: An Analysis of Factors Related to Adolescents’ Political Engagement

Prior research has identified political efficacy and political interest as strong predictors of political participation, but few studies have examined these two attitudes in tandem or compared their relative importance vis‐à‐vis political participation. Drawing on the expectancy‐value model of motivation, we begin to address this research gap while also considering several related issues. Our sample includes a diverse group of high school students in grades 10, 11, and 12 (N = 422) from the midwestern United States. Through quantitative analyses of participants’ survey data, we found that political interest (a central aspect of value) and political efficacy (closely related to expectancy) predicted participants’ expected future political participation, controlling for background characteristics—and that political interest was a particularly strong predictor. In addition, we identified political‐engagement differences on various demographic measures, such as grade level. We also found a significant interaction between political interest and internal political efficacy, suggesting that high levels of both attitudes can have an especially positive effect on adolescents’ political participation. We discuss the implications of these findings for researchers and educators interested in fostering political engagement among youth.     

Insight into children's prosocial lies: Comment on Warneken and Orlins

In their article, Warneken and Orlins ( 2015 ) provide insight into children's prosocial lie‐telling. Their work adds to a growing body of literature regarding the development of prosocial behaviour and indicates that young children will tell ‘white lies’ in order to improve the mood of others. This work has important implications for forensic contexts that we note.     

Bodies and Liturgy: An Interview with Mary Deeley

Susan Ross interviewed Mary Deeley, PhD, a pastoral associate at the Sheil Catholic Center at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. Susan and Mary began their conversation by talking about the General Instruction of the Roman Missal (abbreviated here as GIRM), which was issued in 2003, and about other ways that bodies are a central part of the liturgical experience. The GIRM speaks of the dignity of the liturgy, the significance of movements, postures, singing, and silence and the roles that these play in liturgical practice.     

Falsifying Serial and Parallel Parsing Models: Empirical Conundrums and An Overlooked Paradigm

When the human parser encounters a local structural ambiguity, are multiple structures pursued (parallel or breadth-first parsing), or just a single preferred structure (serial or depth-first parsing)? This note discusses four important classes of serial and parallel models: simple limited parallel, ranked limited parallel, deterministic serial with reanalysis, and probabilistic serial with reanalysis. It is argued that existing evidence is compatible only with probabilistic serial-reanalysis models, or ranked parallel models augmented with a reanalysis component. A new class of linguistic structures is introduced on which the behavior of serial and parallel parsers diverge the most radically: multiple local ambiguities are stacked to increase the number of viable alternatives in the ambiguous region from two to eight structures. This paradigm may provide the strongest test yet for parallel models.     

Personality Traits and Political Participation: Evidence from South Korea

Using a nationally representative survey fielded in 2009, we analyze the relationships between personality traits and various modes of political participation in South Korea. We find statistically significant relationships between personality (measured by the Five‐Factor Model) and several nonelectoral modes of participation. Openness correlates positively with protest participation, rally attendance, financial contributions to political causes, news media contacts, and political activities via the Internet. Agreeableness correlates negatively with these five participation modes as well as petition signing. Conscientiousness is positively associated with individual political acts (e.g., contacting news media and elected officials and donation), while it is negatively associated with collective actions such as participation in rally. However, we do not find any significant relationship between personality and voter turnout. Reflecting an unusually conflictual political climate of South Korea in 2008, we discuss these findings' implications focusing on the personality‐situation interactions.     

Perceived Disagreement and Heterogeneity in Social Networks: Distinct Effects on Political Participation

ABSTRACT

Although the coexistence of conflicting opinions in society is the very core of democracy, people’s tendency to avoid conflict could keep them away from political discussion and participation. On the other hand, being exposed to diverse political views could motivate citizens to participate. We conducted secondary analyses on two 2013 ITANES (Italian National Election Studies) probability samples in order to test the hypotheses that perceived network disagreement (between an individual and her/his discussion partners) and heterogeneity (among discussants holding different political opinions) exert independent and opposite effects on political participation through motivation and knowledge. Results converged in showing that disagreement dampened, while heterogeneity encouraged, political participation (voting, propensity to abstain in future, offline and online activism, and timing of vote decision) by decreasing or increasing, respectively, political interest and, in turn, knowledge.     

Life Satisfaction and Political Participation: Evidence from the United States

Are people who are more satisfied with their lives more likely to participate in politics? Although the literature on political participation in the United States is one of the most theoretically and methodologically developed in political science, little research has sought to incorporate subjective life satisfaction into models of political participation. Instead, life satisfaction has been studied nearly exclusively as a dependent variable. By turning to life satisfaction as an independent variable, we contribute to the literatures on both political participation and life satisfaction. Using survey data, we find that individuals who are more satisfied with their lives are more likely to turn out to vote and participate in the political process through other avenues, and that the magnitude of this relationship rivals that of education. We also find that the relationship between life satisfaction and political participation is confined to “non-conflictual” forms of participation, and exhibits no relationship with the decision to engage in political protest.     

Supportive Social Contexts and Intentions for Civic and Political Participation: An Application of the Theory of Planned Behaviour

We investigated how general social support from family, friends and acquaintances, and community predicted intentions for civic (e.g. volunteering) and political (e.g. petitioning) participation via the constructs specified in the theory of planned behaviour. Participants were young adults living in the former East Germany, a post‐communist region, who were surveyed by telephone in 2010 (N_civic = 695, N_political = 694). Civic participation was perceived more favourably than political participation. Supportive family predicted intentions for civic participation; supportive community services predicted both types of intentions; and supportive friends and acquaintances had no significant effects. The mediating variables were subjective norms and perceived behavioural control, but not attitudes. All effects were controlled for sociodemographic variables, richness of the social network, and past experience of civic and political participation. Findings underscore the role of supportive community in fostering both civic and political participation. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.