快速与慢速读者的中央凹加工对副中央凹预视的影响

在中文阅读中, 预视量是否存在个体差异及其是否受中央凹加工调节, 尚不清楚。本研究采用眼动技术和边界范式, 通过操纵前目标词的加工负荷(高、低)与目标词的预视(相同、假字)来考察快速与慢速读者的中央凹加工对副中央凹预视的影响。结果显示, 中央凹负荷主效应显著; 快速读者对低负荷词的首次和单次注视短于高负荷词, 而慢速读者对两种负荷词的首次和单次注视无差异, 表明快速读者能更快利用词汇特性加工中央凹词汇。预视主效应显著, 即与假字预视相比, 相同预视使两组读者都对目标词的注视更短、向前眼跳更长、跳读率更高; 而且该效应与中央凹负荷没有交互作用。这表明快速读者与慢速读者提取了等量预视, 且不受其中央凹加工的调节。E-Z读者模型和SWIFT模型不能完全解释当前结果。     

Phonological processing during silent reading in teenagers who are deaf/hard of hearing: an eye movement investigation

There has been considerable variability within the literature concerning the extent to which deaf/hard of hearing individuals are able to process phonological codes during reading. Two experiments are reported in which participants’ eye movements were recorded as they read sentences containing correctly spelled words (e.g., church), pseudohomophones (e.g., cherch), and spelling controls (e.g., charch). We examined both foveal processing and parafoveal pre‐processing of phonology for three participant groups—teenagers with permanent childhood hearing loss (PCHL), chronological age‐matched controls, and reading age‐matched controls. The teenagers with PCHL showed a pseudohomophone advantage from both directly fixated words and parafoveal preview, similar to their hearing peers. These data provide strong evidence for phonological recoding during silent reading in teenagers with PCHL.     

中文阅读中副中央凹预加工的范围与程度

在阅读中, 读者既能加工当前注视的中央凹视觉区的信息, 也能从副中央凹视觉区提取信息并利用该信息预先加工下文词汇, 称为预加工或预视。它是熟练阅读的一个关键环节。对副中央凹信息的预加工涉及预视的空间范围和预视程度(即预视量和预视类型)。在拼音文字阅读的研究中, 关于预视范围与预视程度如何受中央凹加工负荷和副中央凹预加工负荷的调节存在争议, 一个主要的原因是拼音文字词长变异大, 在考察预视程度时难以克服预视范围的干扰。而中文词长变化小, 能有效分离预视范围与预视程度。利用中文优势, 采用眼动技术来考察:(1)副中央凹预加工负荷如何影响预视范围, (2)中央凹加工负荷如何影响预视范围与预视程度, (3)阅读能力与阅读效率如何调节预视范围与预视程度, 结果将有助于解决副中央凹预视研究中的理论争论, 为预测阅读能力与衡量阅读效率提供更多有效的眼动行为指标。     

Eye Movement Control During Reading: Foveal Load and Parafoveal Processing

We tested theories of eye movement control in reading by looking at parafoveal processing. According to attention-processing theories, attention shifts towards word n+1 only when processing of the fixated word n is finished, so that attended parafoveal processing does not start until the programming of the saccade programming to word n+1 is initiated (Henderson & Ferreira, 1990; Morrison, 1984), or even later when the processing of word n takes too long (Henderson & Ferreira, 1990). Parafoveal preview benefit should be constant whatever the foveal processing load (Morrison, 1984), or should decrease when processing word n outlasts an eye movement programming deadline (Henderson & Ferreira, 1990). By manipulating the frequency and length of the foveal word n and the visibility of the parafoveal word n+1 , we replicated the finding that the parafoveal preview benefit is smaller with a low-frequency word in foveal vision. Detailed analyses, however, showed that the eye movement programming deadline hypothesis could not account for this finding which was due not to cases where the low-frequency words n had received a long fixation, but to cases of a short fixations less than 240 msec. In addition, there was a spill-over effect of word n to word n+1 , and there was an element of parallel processing of both words. The results are more in line with parallel processing limited by the extent to which the parafoveal word processing on fixation n can be combined with the foveal word processing on fixation n+1 .     

Lexical access during eye fixations in reading: effects of word-initial letter sequence

Two experiments tested the hypothesis that lexical access in reading is initiated on the basis of word-initial letter information obtainable in the parafoveal region. Eye movements were monitored while college students read sentences containing target words whose initial trigram (Experiment 1) or bigram (Experiment 2) imposed either a high or a low degree of constraint in the lexicon. In contradiction to our hypothesis, high-constraint words (e.g., DWARF) received longer fixations than did low-constraint words (e.g., CLOWN), despite the fact that high-constraint words have an initial letter sequence shared by few other words in the lexicon. Moreover, a comparison of fixation times in viewing conditions with and without parafoveal letter information showed that the amount of decrease in target fixation time due to prior parafoveal availability was the same for high-constraint and low-constraint targets. We concluded that increased familiarity of word-initial letter sequence is beneficial to lexical access and that familiarity affects the efficiency of foveal but not parafoveal processing.     

阅读中的眼跳目标选择问题

读者在阅读中面临如何选择眼跳落点位置的问题。研究者在有词间空格的字母文字中(如英语和德语)发现人们倾向于将眼跳落在词中心偏左的位置,这个位置被称为偏好注视位置(preferred viewing location,PVL)。中文文本并没有空格来标记词边界信息,这使得中文阅读的眼跳目标选择机制更加复杂。近年来,研究者从中央凹—副中央凹动态调节的角度研究了阅读中眼跳目标选择的机制。结果发现在中文阅读中眼跳目标选择受到中央凹和副中央凹信息加工的共同影响,而副中央凹的加工直接决定了眼跳落点位置。     

A theoretical analysis of the perceptual span based on SWIFT simulations of the n + 2 boundary paradigm

Eye-movement experiments suggest that the perceptual span during reading is larger than the fixated word, asymmetric around the fixation position, and shrinks in size contingent on the foveal processing load. We used the SWIFT model of eye-movement control during reading to test these hypotheses and their implications under the assumption of graded parallel processing of all words inside the perceptual span. Specifically, we simulated reading in the boundary paradigm and analysed the effects of denying the model to have valid preview of a parafoveal word n + 2 two words to the right of fixation. Optimizing the model parameters for the valid preview condition only, we obtained span parameters with remarkably realistic estimates conforming to the empirical findings on the size of the perceptual span. More importantly, the SWIFT model generated parafoveal processing up to word n + 2 without fitting the model to such preview effects. Our results suggest that asymmetry and dynamic modulation are plausible properties of the perceptual span in a parallel word-processing model such as SWIFT. Moreover, they seem to guide the flexible distribution of processing resources during reading between foveal and parafoveal words.     

语义和句法信息在副中央凹加工中的作用

读者能够从副中央凹中提取到什么类型的信息, 是当前阅读眼动研究领域关注的焦点问题.当前普遍认为低水平信息(如正字法信息)可以在副中央凹中得以加工, 但是高水平的信息(如语义和句法信息)能否从副中央凹中进行提取存在争议.本文总结了近年来高水平信息在副中央凹加工的研究进展, 包括拼音文字和非拼音文字(如中文)阅读过程中语义和句法预视效益的研究现状及影响因素, 当前眼动控制模型(如E-Z读者和SWIFT)对预视效益的解释和不足之处, 最后提出未来关于语义和句法预视加工的研究方向.     

Word processing in the parafoveal region

This study examined the role of words viewed in the parafoveal region during reading. In contrast to previous work, the present experiments used a reading-aloud paradigm that was postulated to encourage letter-to-sound processing, as is typical for beginning readers and for skilled readers who are reading difficult material. The three experiments in this study examined the role of orthographic and semantic information in the parafoveal region on the processing of a word in the foveal region. For this, two words, one in the foveal region and the other in the parafoveal region, were presented side by side to resemble normal reading. Participants were instructed to read aloud the word on the left side, ignoring the word on the right side. Experiments 1 and 2 showed that the presence of a word in the parafoveal region slowed naming of target words, and that this delay was attributable to linguistic interference. This pattern indicates that the information in the parafoveal region affect the processing of the target. Experiment 3 showed an effect of parafoveal semantic information on processing of the target word. In sum the results of the current study suggest that information in the parafoveal region appears to be linguistically processed but to a weaker degree than the focused word. In sum, the results of the experiments in the current study indicate that the influence of parafoveal information is quite lexical and semantic information in the parafoveal region affects processing of the target in the foveal region.     

A test of parafoveal‐on‐foveal effects with pairs of orthographically related words

One of the main controversies in the field of eye movements in reading concerns the question of whether the processing of two adjacent words in reading occurs in sequence, or in parallel. To distinguish between these views, the present experiment tested the presence of parafoveal‐on‐foveal effects with pairs of orthographically related words (or neighbours that differed by a single letter) in a controlled but reading‐like situation. Results revealed that fixation times on a foveal target word were shorter when the target was accompanied by an orthographically similar parafoveal word than when the parafoveal word was dissimilar. Furthermore, the size of the effect tended to vary with both the relative frequency of target and parafoveal words, and the position of the critical letter. These results were interpreted in the framework of a pure parallel processing hypothesis, where the processing of adjacent words is only limited by visual acuity, and the respective lexical properties of the foveal and parafoveal words.     

中文阅读中副中央凹区域文本信息加工时程的眼动研究

副中央凹文本对阅读有非常重要的作用,考察读者在注视何时起对其加工有助于解决阅读中词汇加工方式的理论问题,当前研究结果存在很大争论。本研究采用消失文本范式,操纵词n-1和n+1的呈现时间(0m/40ms),考察读者加工两侧副中央凹信息的时程。结果发现,相比0ms,在注视早期40ms内,词n+1的呈现能够显著促进阅读加工,而词n-1未对阅读产生影响,表明右侧副中央凹信息的加工发生在注视早期,而左侧则未发生在该早期阶段。结果支持阅读眼动控制的并列加工模型。     

先前语境与随后副中央凹预视在词跳读中的相对作用

词跳读促使了阅读高效地进行。被跳读的词主要根据前文语境和副中央凹预视提前得到加工。分析跳读的影响因素可知,相比于语境因素（特别是预测性）和副中央凹词汇因素（如词频）,副中央凹词的视觉词长信息对跳读的影响最大。跳读密切联系当前眼动控制的两大内容,理想的阅读眼动控制模型需区别语境不同信息（即预测性、语义合理性和句法合理性）对跳读的作用。未来可扩展中文跳读的研究,解决中文跳读单元问题及相关争论。     

语义相关性对副中央凹-中央凹效应的影响

阅读时词汇加工的注意分配是序列的还是平行的,是所有眼动控制模型需解答的关键问题。对此,可通过分析副中央窝-中央窝效应（POF效应）进行解释。以往研究结果的争议在于POF效应是否为误差眼跳。本研究为控制眼跳误差,采用分心阅读范式,考察词n与词n－1的语义相关性对词n－1加工的影响,探讨中文阅读的POF效应。实验以26名大学生为被试,选取高频双字词为词n－1,低频双字词为词n。结果发现当词n－1与词n语义相关性高时,词n－1的凝视时间更短,再注视率更低,出现同向的POF效应。本研究在一定条件下支持SWIFT模型为代表的平行加工假设。     

Integration of parafoveal orthographic information during foveal word reading: beyond the sub-lexical level?

Prior research has shown that processing of a given target word is facilitated by the simultaneous presentation of orthographically related stimuli in the parafovea. Here we investigate the nature of such spatial integration processes by presenting orthographic neighbours of target words in the parafovea, considering that neighbours have been shown to inhibit, rather than facilitate, recognition of target words in foveal masked priming research. In Experiment 1, we used the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm to manipulate the parafoveal information subjects received while they fixated a target word within a sentence. In Experiment 2, we used the Flanking Letters Lexical Decision paradigm to manipulate parafoveal information while subjects read isolated words. Parafoveal words were either a higher-frequency orthographic neighbour of targets words (e.g., blue-blur) or a high-frequency unrelated word (e.g., hand-blur). We found that parafoveal orthographic neighbours facilitated, rather than inhibited, processing of the target. Thus, the present findings provide further evidence that orthographic information is integrated across multiple words and suggest that either the integration process does not enable simultaneous access to those words’ lexical representations, or that lexical representations activated by spatially distinct stimuli do not compete for recognition.     

阅读过程中的词跳读及其产生的认知机制

在阅读过程中,读者并不会注视每一个词,而是不断地跳过很多词。在英文阅读中至少有30%的词被跳读,在中文阅读中近50%的字词被跳读。那么被跳读的字词是否得到加工,何时得到加工,是当前阅读过程中眼动控制模型关心的基本问题：具体包括（1）词跳读是基于副中央凹处词汇的完全识别还是部分识别后发生;（2）中央凹加工负荷是否影响对下一个词的跳读;（3）副中央凹和中央凹加工效率与词跳读的关系是什么;（4）较低水平的视觉信息（如词长、复杂性）和较高水平的语言信息（如词频、预测性）如何交互作用决定一个词的跳读。文章对上述问题进行系统分析,最后结合中文阅读中书写系统的特点,对未来中文阅读中词跳读研究进行了展望。     

中文阅读的副中央凹-中央凹效应：词n的语义透明度对词n-1的影响

研究探讨中文阅读中的副中央凹-中央凹效应。副中央凹-中央凹效应是指副中央凹处词的特性对中央凹处词汇加工的影响。实验以27名大学生为被试,采用句子阅读材料,考察词n的语义透明度特性对词n-1（高频、低频）加工的影响。结果表明,词n的语义透明度的高低对词n-1（高频、低频）的加工没有影响,没有出现副中央凹-中央凹效应。实验结果支持E-Z读者模型的假设。     

语境预测性对阅读中字词加工过程的影响：眼动证据

研究包含3项实验, 通过观察语境预测性与目标词汇的整词词频、词内汉字字频间交互作用, 以探讨阅读中语境预测性如何影响中文词汇加工问题。研究以双字词为例, 实验1操控目标词汇的语境预测性与整词词频, 结果发现, 语境预测性与整词词频交互作用不显著。实验2操控目标词汇的语境预测性与首字字频, 结果发现, 语境预测性与首字字频交互作用不显著。实验1和实验2的贝叶斯分析都倾向于支持交互作用不存在假设。实验3操控目标词汇的语境预测性与尾字字频, 结果发现, 语境预测性与尾字字频交互影响首次注视时间、凝视时间、总注视时间和再注视概率。由此可知, 语境预测性与整词词频、首字字频变量相对独立地影响词汇加工; 语境预测性直接影响词内汉字(尾字)的加工过程。     

Processing of “unattended” threat-related information: Role of emotional content and context

Unpleasant, pleasant, or neutral visual scenes served as a context for the presentation of threat-related, positive, and neutral words. On each trial, 2 simultaneous prime words (one foveal, i.e., at fixation, and one parafoveal, i.e., 2.2° apart) appeared for 150 ms, followed by a foveally presented probe word in a lexical decision task. Results showed facilitation in response times for probe threat words when primed by an identical parafoveal word, in comparison with priming by an unrelated parafoveal word, and this effect was enhanced in an emotionally congruent unpleasant context. In contrast, no parafoveal effect appeared for positive words, even in a pleasant context. This reveals parallel processing of threat-related words outside the focus of attention.     

Parafoveal word perception: A case against semantic preprocessing

The present experiment investigated semantic information extraction in parafoveal word perception. An ambiguous word (bank) was presented in foveal vision, and simultaneously a disambiguating word (water, money) was presented in the parafovea. Subjects were required to make a forced choice between two phrases, and the task was constructed so that a correct choice could be made if semantic information about both the foveal and parafoveal word had been obtained. However, the results indicated that the forced-choice results could be explained by two factors: identification of the parafoveal word and correct guessing. Hence, it was concluded that those models of reading which rely on unconscious semantic preprocessing of parafoveal words were not supported.     

Parafoveal processing in word recognition

Two experiments investigated the degree to which properties of a word presented in the parafovea influenced the time to process a word undergoing concurrent foveal inspection. In Experiment 1, subjects viewed a set of five-letter words at a fixed point, with words in parafoveal vision varying in length, word frequency, and both the type and token frequency of occurrence of their initial three letters. The results showed that the frequency of the target and the type frequency of its initial letters influenced foveal fixation time. In Experiment 2, subjects executed a sequence of saccades before initial fixation on the experimental items. Under these circumstances, fixation time was shorter overall. Lexical properties of parafoveal words had no effect on foveal processing, but the length and the type frequency of their initial letters exerted a strong influence. Parafoveal-on-foveal effects of this form are incompatible with models of reading in which attention is allocated sequentially to successive words. The data are more consistent with the proposition that foveal and parafoveal processing occurs in parallel, with processing distributed over a region larger than a single word. Subsidiary analyses showed little influence of any of the manipulated variables on saccade extent.