植入前组织配型孕育“救星同胞”的伦理思考

应用植入前遗传学诊断技术在胚胎植入母体子宫前,对人类白细胞组织相容性抗原配型检测,选择与现存患儿相同HLA配型的胚胎进行受孕,孕育一个组织配型相同的脐带血干细胞供者。在某种意义上说,该项技术的应用是创造人来获得移植组织,由此引发系列伦理争议。讨论孕育"救星同胞"这一医学实践内在需要的伦理规范。     

植入前遗传学诊断中性别选择的伦理辩护

植入前遗传学诊断（PGD）是在胚胎植入子宫前进行遗传学检查的新技术。它可对植入胚胎进行性别选择,从而引发了会增加我国出生人口性别比的担忧。通过对PGD性别选择伦理风险的分析,指出其用于医学需要时不会对性别比造成危害。但在实施过程中需要医生、患者及社会全体人员共同参与,避免该技术用于非医学目的的需要。     

胚胎植入前遗传学诊断(PGD)的伦理思考

针对现在研究者往往关注胚胎的生理质量而忽视伦理选择的现象,用伦理的视角审视实施胚胎植入前遗传学诊断(PGD)的行为,赋予生命科学行为必要的伦理思想.综合各种理论流派的观点,结合临床工作,得出人们在伦理道德上比较容易接受PGD中进行胚胎的优选的结论,用以指导PGD的发展.     

胚胎植入前遗传学诊断（PGD）的伦理思考

针对现在研究者往往关注胚胎的生理质量而忽视伦理选择的现象,用伦理的视角审视实施胚胎植入前遗传学诊断（PGD）的行为,赋予生命科学行为必要的伦理思想。综合各种理论流派的观点,结合临床工作,得出人们在伦理道德上比较容易接受PGD中进行胚胎的优选的结论,用以指导PGD的发展。     

"后单位时代"集体道德行动的特征及其规律——基于社会调查的实证研究

改革开放前单位组织的集体道德行动逻辑有着明确的可预见性.文化多样、利益多元的"后单位时代"集体道德行动呈现出不同于单位制度时代的道德行动逻辑,调查数据表明,单位组织集体道德行动的特征及其规律,具体表现在道德行动方向多元、道德行动动力不足及道德行动能力欠缺上.当代中国单位组织集体道德行动,在传统伦理"路径依赖"与市场经济"自然法则"的双重挤压下现实地呈现,在个体德性与"伦理场域"的相互关联中辩证地开展,在社会现实的伦理需要和伦理理论的创新发展中健康地运行.     

人类胚胎冷冻技术的伦理问题研究及其对策

人类胚胎冷冻技术是保存新鲜胚胎移植周期后剩余优质胚胎的重要手段。从个体伦理、家庭伦理、社会伦理三个层面探讨了人类胚胎冷冻技术引发的伦理问题,认为其具有自身地位的伦理争议、对传统婚姻及亲子关系带来冲击、商业化风险以及剩余冷冻胚胎的应用问题。接着提出了相应的解决对策,认为可以通过强化人类胚胎冷冻技术运用的伦理原则,加强对从业人员和患者的伦理道德教育,加强法律对人类胚胎冷冻技术的伦理监督来有效规约人类胚胎冷冻技术所带来的伦理及其社会问题。     

胚胎干细胞在治疗学研究中的应用

目前有许多研究人员希望能够从事胚胎干细胞的研究。这项研究可能对可移植组织用于对目前认为难以治疗或不能治疗的许多疾病的治疗的发展带来极大的帮助。然而,由于干细胞是源自人体胚胎。这就提出了如下问题：为了治疗学研究,在胚胎植入子宫之前从人类胚胎上获取细胞以从事实验室培养和研究在伦理上能够被接受吗?不同国家的伦理委员会或国家立法机构关于胚胎研究的观点及其采取的解决办法可能存在显著差异。这种差异在多元性世界里是不可避免的。     

评《人胚胎干细胞研究伦理指导原则》

据2004年1月14日<健康报>报道,科技部和卫生部联合发布了十二条<人胚胎干细胞研究伦理指导原则>,这是继1998年卫生部颁布<涉及人体的生物医学研究伦理审查办法(试行)>,1999年国家药品监督管理局颁布<药品临床试验管理规范>后,国家有关主管科研部门颁布的一个专项伦理指导原则.该文件首先指出了遵守国际国内的伦理准则与科学研究的顺利发展的一致性,明确禁止人的生殖性克隆,禁止人胚胎的研究超过14天,禁止将研究用胚胎植入人和其他动物生殖系统,禁止人的生殖细胞与其他物种生殖细胞的结合,禁止买卖人类配子、受精卵、胚胎和胎儿组织,强调贯彻知情同意和知情选择原则,保护隐私以及要求成立伦理委员会,这些都是非常重要的,应该加以肯定.     

中国临床遗传学检测的伦理问题

遗传伦理问题是生命科学领域最具争议的问题之一.针对基因诊断的"知情权"、"优劣"胎儿的选择、基于人群的基因筛查、发病前及患病风险的基因检查、全基因组筛查以及植入前遗传诊断中所涉及的伦理前沿问题进行讨论.提出基因检测是否应该重申把伦理考虑放在第一位.     

人类胚胎干细胞研究伦理问题的调查和讨论

此次对各级医生进行关于人类胚胎干细胞研究伦理认知的调查研究,其目的是为制订相关的伦理准则提供认知依据,调查是在我国东西部二个城市的8家三级医院进行,采用随机抽样、自愿无记名填写信息表方法调查.调查结果表明,50%以上医生认为早期胚胎不是道德意义的人,70%以上医生对胚胎干细胞的研究表示支持.海峡两岸的医生由于有相同的文化根源,在对待胚胎干细胞研究的伦理观点及态度上极其接近.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.