“无红包医院”的经济学解读与思考

对南通市第三人民医院打造“无红包医院”的实践进行了经济学解读,认为该院从“成本-收益”角度入手约束员工行为,确保“无红包医院”名副其实,是一种合理的制度安排;实践“无红包”承诺,既增进社会福利又促进医院自身发展,是一个互利共赢的成功范例;通过打造“无红包医院”品牌消除非对称信息,赢得长期稳固的竞争优势,是一项富有远见的战略选择。     

十年坚守"无红包"推动医院新跨越

采取一系列配套措施,杜绝红包,同时大力改革职工分配制度,使医院职工的合理利益得到满足;切实的持续的职业道德教育,多种形式的"病员满意"和创建文明单位的活动,使得"无红包"医院得以巩固和提高.     

十年坚守“无红包” 推动医院新跨越

采取一系列配套措施,杜绝红包,同时大力改革职工分配制度,使医院职工的合理利益得到满足;切实的持续的职业道德教育,多种形式的“病员满意”和创建文明单位的活动,使得“无红包”医院得以巩固和提高。     

医院管理公司"两权分离"的实践与思考

上海仁济医疗管理有限公司作为一家专业化的医院管理公司,以医院的委托经营管理为主要模式,在我国公立医院"两权分离"理论的实践和公立医院的职业化管理方面,逐步形成一套具有系统与特色的管理体系.通过介绍其运作模式和主要内容,初步评价其实施效果.     

人情“价”高春节成“春劫”

[新华网]热闹的春节假期结束,网络上人们晒春节"账单"热情高涨.过一次年,巨大的开支和花费让不少人叫苦不迭,感叹春节变"春劫".在春节开销中,"红包"占了最大比例.过年给亲戚朋友、小辈长辈送红包,动辄几百元、上千元.《长江日报》2月14日报道,武汉的陈小姐一个年里用掉46个红包,而广州廖女士在春节拜年时,参加一次亲戚聚会就送出了7700元的红包.再加上过节期间请客吃饭、送礼、旅游等花费,一个春节过得很多人不堪重负,身心俱疲.     

作为"伦理学之后"的"三玄"

《周易》《老子》《庄子》号称"三玄",三者共同创立了中国古代"伦理学之后"的形而上学.《易传》展示了形而上学超越于儒家伦理之上的实践哲学本质;《老子》的"道论"将实践哲学纳入类似于康德的实践"模型"的隐喻之中,建立起天之道、圣人之道和处世之道三者上下贯通的"无为而无不为"的模型;《庄子》的"至人"理想则通过诗意和寓言的方式在高悬的天道与日常生活之间建立起某种可以凭想象来把握的纽带,为道家的"伦理学之后"开辟了 一个看起来充满"至乐"和"天乐"而值得追求的审美维度,但也终究没有摆脱自欺和自我麻醉的幻觉.     

"无中之有"与"有中之无"——六朝上清派有无概念探微

六朝道教有无概念的使用体现了鲜明的实践特色,与以"辨名析理"为主要方法的玄学旨趣不同.顾欢提出"无中之有"以刻画身体的内在结构与存思所见内景与身神.通过存思实践通向道体,经历有无的转化,因此道可以称为"非有非无".在其他上清道经中,可以看到更进一步的"有中之无"的表述,以有无来言说存思实践中的复杂过程.六朝上清派以有无...     

"白黑之争"及其对"缘起性空"说的误解

"白黑之争"是南朝刘宋时代儒家与佛教在哲学领域中的一次重要争论,其代表作是慧琳的<白黑论>.从有关争论来看,无论是反对佛教因果报应说的一方还是支持佛教的一方,对于佛教般若学中的"有谛"和"无谛"的本意都未能透彻地了解,这说明了印度大乘空宗哲学这种异质文化因子在当时还处在"格义"的阶段,多有误解.虽然在东晋十六国时代的僧肇已经比较准确地把握和阐释了般若"空"的本义,但佛教般若学那种"非有非无,非非有非非无"的思辩逻辑对于中土来说毕竟是陌生的,也是难以接受的.     

医患关系由"双输"到"双赢"

我国医患关系日趋紧张已是一个不争的事实,日趋恶化的医患关系使患者无奈、天使流泪、医院苦恼、政府尴尬,可谓"全盘皆输".实现和谐医患关系达到"全赢",必须解决影响医疗服务水平的这一关键障碍,需要政府、医院、医务人员和患者多方的共同努力.     

罗近溪的"格物"说--从"格物"之悟谈起

本文从罗近溪早年的"格物"之悟出发,详细考察了罗近溪"格物"说的具体内涵,认为罗近溪的"格物"说奠基在他的"大学"说和"知止"说之上,一方面阐扬了"万物一体"的思想,另一方面规定了明明德亲民止于至善的道德--政治实践活动的先后程序.罗近溪的"格物"说构成他解读<大学>和儒家经典的基本视角,在儒家经典诠释学和儒学发展史上具有重要的地位和意义.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.