Effects of syllable structure in aphasic errors: implications for a new model of speech production

Current models of word production assume that words are stored as linear sequences of phonemes which are structured into syllables only at the moment of production. This is because syllable structure is always recoverable from the sequence of phonemes. In contrast, we present theoretical and empirical evidence that syllable structure is lexically represented. Storing syllable structure would have the advantage of making representations more stable and resistant to damage. On the other hand, re-syllabifications affect only a minimal part of phonological representations and occur only in some languages and depending on speech register. Evidence for these claims comes from analyses of aphasic errors which not only respect phonotactic constraints, but also avoid transformations which move the syllabic structure of the word further away from the original structure, even when equating for segmental complexity. This is true across tasks, types of errors, and, crucially, types of patients. The same syllabic effects are shown by apraxic patients and by phonological patients who have more central difficulties in retrieving phonological representations. If syllable structure was only computed after phoneme retrieval, it would have no way to influence the errors of phonological patients. Our results have implications for psycholinguistic and computational models of language as well as for clinical and educational practices.     

Phoneme Awareness in Children: A Function of Sonority

This study tested the hypothesis that the sonority of phonemes (a sound's relative loudness compared to other sounds with the same length, stress, and pitch) influences children's segmentation of syllable constituents. Two groups of children, first graders and preschoolers, were assessed for their awareness of phonemes in coda and onset positions, respectively, using different phoneme segmentation tasks. Although the trends for the first graders were more robust than the trends for the preschoolers, phoneme segmentation in the two groups correlated with the sonority levels of phonemes, regardless of phoneme position or task. These results, consistent with prior studies of adults, suggest that perceptual properties, such as sonority levels, greatly influence the development of phoneme awareness.     

Syllable-internal structure and the sonority hierarchy: Differential evidence from lexical decision,naming, and reading

Treiman (1983) and others have argued that spoken syllables are best characterized not as linear strings of phonemes, but as hierarchically organized units consisting of an onset (initial consonant or consonant cluster) and a rime (the vowel and any following consonants) and that the rime is further divided into a peak or nucleus (the vowel) and a coda (the final consonants). It has also been argued that the sonority (or vowel-likeness) of the consonant closest to the peak, which is a function of its phonetic class, may have an effect on the strength of boundaries determined by the hierarchical division of the syllable (e.g., Treiman, 1984). We examined the evidence for syllable-internal structure and for sonority in two experiments that employed visually presented stimuli and lexical decision, naming, and reading tasks. Our results provide support for the breakdown of the rime into a peak and a coda and for an effect of the sonority of the postvocalic consonant on that break. This pattern occurred only in our lexical decision tasks, so the effect is assumed to be postlexical. We did not find an effect of the onset-rime boundary, perhaps because of an unanticipated effect of word frequency. Our results are discussed in terms of phonological coding in short-term memory.     

Are phonological representations of printed and spoken language isomorphic? Evidence from the restrictions on unattested onsets

Are the phonological representations of printed and spoken words isomorphic? This question is addressed by investigating the restrictions on onsets. Cross-linguistic research suggests that onsets of rising sonority are preferred to sonority plateaus, which, in turn, are preferred to sonority falls (e.g., bnif [symbol: see text] bdif [symbol: see text] lbif). Of interest is whether these grammatical preferences constrain the recognition of auditory and printed words by speakers of English--a language in which such onsets are unattested. Five experiments compare phonological lexical decision responses to nonwords, including unattested onsets, through either aural or visual presentation. Results suggest that both hearers and readers are sensitive to the phonotactics of unattested onsets. However, the phonotactic generalizations of hearers and readers differ on their scope and source. Hearers differentiated all three types of onsets (e.g., bnif, bdif, and lbif), and their behavior implicated both grammatical and statistical constraints. In contrast, readers were able to differentiate only those structures similar to attested English onsets from dissimilar structures (i.e., bnif vs. bdif or lbif), and their preferences reflected statistical knowledge alone. These findings suggest that the phonological representations informing lexical decision to spoken and printed words are not isomorphic.     

Anticipatory coarticulation in aphasia: acoustic and perceptual data

Two experiments investigated speech motor planning in aphasia by contrasting the degree of labial and lingual anticipatory coarticulation evident in normal subjects' speech with that found in the speech of aphasic subjects. In the first experiment, Linear Predictive Coding (LPC) analyses were conducted for the initial consonants of CV [si su ti tu ki ku] and CCV [sti stu ski sku] productions by 6 normal and 10 aphasic (5 anterior, 5 posterior) subjects. For normal subjects' productions, reliable coarticulatory shift was found for almost all measurements, indicating that acoustic correlates for anticipatory coarticulation obtain for [s], [t], and [k] in a prevocalic environment, as well as when [s] is the initial consonant of a CCV syllable. The data for the aphasic subjects were statistically indistinguishable from those of the normal subject group, and there were no differences noted as a function of aphasia type. In the second experiment, a subset of the consonantal stimuli produced by the normal and aphasic subjects was presented to a group of 10 naive listeners for a vowel identification task. Listeners were able to identify the productions of all subjects at a level well above chance. In addition, small but statistically significant Group differences were observed, with the [sV], [skV], and [tV] productions by anterior aphasics showing significantly lower perceptual scores than those of normal subjects.     

Speech timing subsequent to brain damage: effects of utterance length and complexity

Acoustic analyses of syllable durations were conducted in order to address several hypotheses concerning deficits in the control of speech timing subsequent to focal brain damage. Groups of nonfluent and fluent aphasics, right-hemisphere-damaged patients, and normal controls produced monosyllabic root syllables in medial and final position in the context of short and long sentences and syntactically simple and complex sentences. Durations of the target syllable as a proportion of the utterance were compared across contexts and groups. Somewhat surprisingly, the results revealed relatively normal temporal patterns in all subject groups, with the main exception emerging for the nonfluent aphasic patients who failed to demonstrate normal phrase-final lengthening effects. Implications of the findings for theories of temporal control in brain-damaged patients are considered.     

言语产生中的韵律生成

首先描述了韵律生成的相关模型。然后以研究的问题为着眼点,回顾了言语产生中韵律生成的相关研究。发现大多数研究结果都证明,在单词产生过程中,存在一个独立于音段内容的抽象韵律结构,其中包含了词的重音模式和音节数量等信息;在短语和句子产生过程中,韵律结构和停顿模式都不是完全决定于句法结构,而具有相对的独立性;句子韵律产生的最佳单位是韵律词。语言学韵律产生的脑区激活呈左侧化趋势。     

Speech sound errors in patients with conduction and Broca's aphasia

Speech sound errors exhibited by three conduction and three Broca's aphasic patients on naming and word-repetition tasks were subjected to phonemic and subphonemic analyses. In the conduction aphasic patients, errors occurred equally often on consonants and vowels in both the naming and word-repetition tasks, while in the Broca's aphasic patients errors occurred selectively on consonants. Transposition errors occurred almost as often as substitution errors in the conduction aphasic patients, while substitution errors constituted the majority of errors in the Broca's aphasic patients. The Broca's aphasic patients, as compared to the conduction aphasic patients, exhibited a markedly higher number of substitution errors occurring between phonemes separated by a single subphonemic feature on the naming task. On the basis of these findings, it was hypothesized that the differences in the error patterns of the two types of aphasia reflected differences in the underlying mechanisms of the impairment in each type.     

Laterality effects in the processing of syllable structure.

Recent phonological research has shown that the syllable plays a major role in the phonology of German. The present study investigates laterality effects in the processing of syllable structure by means of dichotic presentation of German word pairs that differ in number of syllables, but that differ minimally in the phonemes they comprise (e.g., BREIT and BEREIT). Results showed a sex difference in laterality for the processing of the experimental stimuli, with a greater right-hemispheric lateralization in men and a more bilateral organization in women.     

A neuronal model for syllable representation

A speculative neuronal template, equivalent to canonical syllable forms and independent of segmental representations, is offered to help account for (1) the inviolate nature of phonotactic constraints in aphasic speech output, and (2) left hemisphere specialization for speech sound access and output. The model, which attempts to relate plausible neuronal systems to linguistic function, is based on cell assemblies that are thought to develop by way of genetic predisposition and ontogenetic language experience, into configurations that can represent canonical slot positions for the consonants and vowel comprising a syllable. The syllable is assumed to be the basic organizational rhythmic unit for serial concatenation of sublexical segments. A scheme for neurological differentiation of vowels and consonants is offered. Phonotactic constraints can become "hard-wired" to help create the automaticity underlying phonological sound organization. Testable predictions are offered to substantiate the claims of the model.     

The effects of varying attentional demands on the word retrieval skills of adults with aphasia, right hemisphere brain damage, or no brain damage

Adults with mild aphasia, right hemisphere brain damage (RBD), or no brain damage (NBD) provided one-word phrase completions under isolation, focused attention, and divided attention conditions and in response to relatively constrained or unconstrained phrase stems. Despite comparable word retrieval accuracy among groups during the isolation condition, aphasic and RBD groups performed less accurately than the NBD group during focused and divided attention conditions. Across conditions, there were no significant differences between aphasic and RBD groups. Only aphasic subjects demonstrated a significant effect of phrase type, responding more accurately when completing constrained versus unconstrained stimuli. For aphasic and RBD groups, error type analysis indicated that semantic and phonological aspects of word retrieval were influenced by increased attentional demands. These findings suggest that for adults with aphasia or RBD, there is a negative relation between attention impairments and word retrieval abilities.     

Repetition in the transcortical aphasias

Transcortical aphasic patients were assessed on a repetition task comprised of both well-formed and deviant sentences. The patients faithfully repeated those sentences that were factually incorrect but grammatically well formed, and those sentences that were ungrammatical because of selection restriction violations. In contrast, presented with sentences featuring only minor syntactic violations (e.g., lack of number agreement), the patients spontaneously, and without awareness, resisted exact repetition; moreover, the resultant changes most often served to correct the syntactic deviations. Repetitions of sentences of this latter type also revealed a difference between the patients as a function of level of comprehension. The transcortical motor aphasic patient was influenced by semantic factors in his alterations of the minor syntactic violations, while the transcortical sensory aphasic was not. These findings are discussed in relation to the notion of autonomous syntactic processing. They are taken to suggest that syntactic facts such as number agreement are represented at a level in the processing chain that is distinct from that of semantic representation.     

Effects of subphonetic and syllable structure variation on word recognition

This study explored whether natural acoustic variations as exemplified by either subphonetic changes or syllable structure changes affect word recognition processes. Subphonetic variations were realized by differences in the voice-onset time (VOT) value of initial voiceless stop consonants, and syllable structure variations were realized by vowel deletion in initial unstressed syllables in multisyllable words. An auditory identity priming paradigm was used to determine whether the amount of facilitation obtained to a target stimulus in a lexical decision task was affected by the presence of these acoustic variations in a prime stimulus. Results revealed different patterns for the two types of variability as a function of lexical status. In the case of subphonetic variations, shortening of VOT resulted in reduced facilitation for words but not for nonwords, whereas in the case of syllable structure variation, vowel deletion in an unstressed syllable resulted in reduced facilitation for nonwords and increased facilitation for words. These findings indicate that subphonetic variability interferes with word recognition, whereas syllable structure variability does not, and that this effect is independent of the magnitude of the acoustic difference between a citation form and its variant. Furthermore, the results suggest that the lexical status of the target item plays a crucial role in the processing of both types of variability. Results are considered in relation to current models of word recognition.     

Syllables as units in speech production: Data from aphasia

The syllable has received considerable empirical support as a unit of processing in speech perception, but its status in speech production remains unclear. Some researchers propose that syllables are individually represented and retrieved during phonological encoding (e.g., Dell, 1986; Ferrand, Segui, & Grainger, 1996; MacKay, 1987). We test this hypothesis by examining the influence of syllable frequency on the phonological errors of two aphasics. These individuals both had an impairment in phonological encoding, but appeared to differ in the precise locus of that impairment. They each read aloud and repeated 110 pairs of words matched for syllabic complexity, but differing in final syllable frequency. Lexical frequency was also controlled. Neither aphasic was more error-prone on low than on high frequency syllables (indeed, one showed a near-significant reverse effect), and neither showed a preference for more frequent syllables in their errors. These findings provide no support for the view that syllables are individually represented and accessed during phonological encoding.     

The Impact of Sonority on Onset-Rime and Peak-Coda Lexical Decision and Naming of Lexical Items by Children with Different Spelling Ability

The present study used the lexical decision (making YES/NO decision) and the vocalization (naming) paradigms in two reaction time experiments to examine the cohesiveness of onset-rime and peak-coda in the syllable structure of English lexical items. The aim was to study the effect of sonority hierarchy of liquids, nasals and obstruents on the accurate and rapid identification and naming of CCVCC words and pseudowords in relation to the spelling performance of 222 grades 4, 5 and 6 students. In the onset-rime lexical decision and naming tasks nasals were processed faster than the liquids and the obstruents. In the peak-coda lexical decision and naming the obstruents were processed faster than the liquids and nasals. The reaction time results suggest relationship with the spelling of English words even though the significant main effects of grade, spelling performance, mode of response and lexicality of the stimulus items need to be interpreted in the context of statistical interactions.     

PhonItalia: a phonological lexicon for Italian

In this article, we present the first open-access lexical database that provides phonological representations for 120,000 Italian word forms. Each of these also includes syllable boundaries and stress markings and a comprehensive range of lexical statistics. Using data derived from this lexicon, we have also generated a set of derived databases and provided estimates of positional frequency use for Italian phonemes, syllables, syllable onsets and codas, and character and phoneme bigrams. These databases are freely available from phonitalia.org. This article describes the methods, content, and summarizing statistics for these databases. In a first application of this database, we also demonstrate how the distribution of phonological substitution errors made by Italian aphasic patients is related to phoneme frequency.     

Manual training of mental rotation

The aim of this study was to investigate the timing relations between phonological encoding that is, the generation of an abstract phonological representation of a to-be-produced utterance and the initiation of articulation. Previous research (Meyer &; Schriefers, 1991) using a picture-word paradigm suggested that, in the production of simple one-word naming responses, a speaker completes phonological encoding of the complete word before articulation is initiated. In the present study, this question was investigated for the production of German no-determiner noun phrases (e.g. roter Tisch, “red table”;). The results showed reliable facilitation effects for distractors that are identical to the first syllable of the first word of the noun phrase. For the second syllable of the first word, only weak facilitation effects were obtained. For the second word, no significant facilitation effects were obtained. However, additional analyses showed that two groups of speakers can be distinguished, one showing only facilitation effects for the first syllable of the first word, and the other showing an additional facilitation effect for the second syllable of the first word. Together with related results, our findings lead to two conclusions. First, the (phonological) word is not the lower limit of phonological encoding before articulation can be initiated. Second, speakers can adjust the size of the advance planning unit at the phonological level based on the specific speaking context.     

Spared access to idiomatic and literal meanings: a single-case approach

The current study examines how patients with aphasia access the meanings of idioms during spoken sentence comprehension. In our experiment, we had 4 subjects whose native language is German: 2 left-hemisphere damaged patients (Wernicke's and global aphasia); 1 right-hemisphere damaged patient; and 1 age-matched healthy speaker. Ambiguous two-element German noun compounds carrying an idiomatic as well as a literal meaning served as target words. While listening to contextually biasing sentences containing the target words, the subjects performed a lexical decision task at the offset of each compound. All the subjects, including the aphasic patients, accessed the compounds' literal and idiomatic meanings simultaneously despite the existence of contextually biasing sentences. The data are discussed by taking account of the findings of recent studies of lexical semantic processing in aphasia.     

The quantitative analysis of agrammatic production: procedure and data

Despite the long-standing interest in structural aspects of aphasic production, no method has emerged for the systematic analysis of aphasic speech. This paper attempts to address that need by outlining a procedure for the quantitative assessment of narrative speech which yields measures for both morphological and structural characteristics of aphasic production. In addition to complete instructions for carrying out this analysis, data for three groups of subjects are presented: agrammatic aphasics, aphasics who are similarly nonfluent but not clinically judged as agrammatic, and normal controls. While the agrammatics were distinguishable from the nonagrammatic patients on most measures, both nonfluent groups showed comparable reductions in the structural complexity of their propositional utterances. Other findings include indications from individual patient data that aspects of grammatical morphology may dissociate in agrammatism.     

The relation between oral movement control and speech

A large series of neurological patients, selected solely on the basis that they had damage restricted to one hemisphere of the brain, was given a variety of tests of basic speech and praxic function. Within the left-damaged group, patients were further identified as aphasic or nonaphasic, based on preexisting standard tests of aphasia. Subgroups of aphasics were studied on the basis of lesion location, rather than on the basis of aphasia type. The focus of the study was the relation between the production of speech and nonspeech oral movements, particularly across anterior and posterior lesions. Reproduction of single nonverbal oral movements and of single isolated speech sounds was found to be very highly correlated, and both depended selectively on the left anterior region of the brain. This same region was critically important for rapid repeated articulation of a syllable, suggesting that it mediates control at some "unit" level of movement, in a phenomenological sense, for both speech and nonspeech movements. Other "speech" regions in the left hemisphere appeared to be dispensable for the production of single oral movements, whether these were verbal or nonverbal movements. However, for most aphasic patients, an area in the left posterior region was inferred to be essential for production of multiple oral movements, whether nonverbal or verbal, suggesting a critical role in the accurate selection of movements. Within the posterior region, there was further differentiation for multisyllabic speech into a parietal system, which appeared to mediate primarily praxic function, and a temporal system, which appeared to mediate verbal-echolalic function. Aphasias from anterior and posterior lesions resembled "Broca's" and "Wernicke's" aphasia only insofar as they differed in fluency, with anterior aphasics clearly less fluent. Tests of speech comprehension did not differentiate the groups. It is suggested that classifying aphasic patients via lesion location rather than aphasic typology might yield a view of functional subsystems different from those commonly accepted.