论家族主义的内涵及其与儒家文化的关系

近年,中国社会的家族主义问题引起了越来越多的关注.很多学者强调家族主义在中国社会中的普遍性、严重性,并进而提出一个观点,即家族主义是儒家文化甚至整个中国传统文化的本质或核心.[1]这种说法明显地沿袭了国外一些学者的观点.     

Confucian Political Philosophy for Non-Confucians

Contemporary proponents of Confucian political philosophy often ignore the fact that any sizeable future Confucian political order will have to accommodate many “non-Confucians.” The guiding question of this paper is therefore the following: how could a Confucian political philosophy, if it can at all, adequately take into account a plurality of comprehensive worldviews? I first turn to John Rawls and his account of these terms and of reasonable pluralism more generally. I then examine some particularly relevant developments and criticism of Rawls’ account. Finally, I offer a discussion of some recent proposals for a Confucian political philosophy, and examine to what extent each recognizes the fact of pluralism, sees it as a challenge, and deals with it in a persuasive manner. The paper concludes with a depiction of two major stumbling blocks that might stand firmly in the way of such a pluralism-accommodating political Confucianism.     

儒家伦理与政治文明

我们遵循取其精华,去其糟粕,古为今用的原则,对于儒家政治伦理及其治国思想进行新的开发,转化,创新和利用,可以为建设当代中国政治明提供服务。     

儒家的政治思想与美德政治观

儒家政治哲学是中国古代哲学的政治思考的主要部分,自孔子以来就提出了德与政的一系列讨论,孔子以为政者的“自正”转变了西周春秋政治“政以正民”的方向,孟子则引入“他正”的“批评政治”,并被朱子继承。以美德政治为古代中国政治特色,就刻画传统中国政治而言是不充分的,必须同时强调批评政治,才能反映古代中国政治与传统的实际。儒家与西方人文主义的政治观相接近,而与立宪主义有较大区别。     

On Confucian Political Philosophy and Its Theory of Justice

Traditional Confucian political culture (including its concepts, systems, practices and folk customs) has a legacy that deserves careful reconsideration today. Its theories, institutions, and practices address the source, legitimacy, division and balance, and restriction of political power. Confucian politics is a type of “moral politics” which sticks to what ought to be and what is justifiable, and holds that political power comes from Heaven, mandate of Heaven or Dao of Heaven, which implies that justification and standards rest with the people referring to scholars peasants, workers and merchants. This type of justification is rooted in the public space and the autonomous strength of the people, and it finds guidance in the involvement, supervision, and criticism of the class of scholar-bureaucrats (shi 士). In this article, Western political philosophy will be taken as a frame of reference for evaluating Confucian conception of justice as well as Confucian ideas of distribution, fairness of opportunity, caring kindness for “the least advantaged,” and institutional construction. It will argue that the leading characteristic of Confucian political theory is that of “substantive justice.”     

The Secret of Confucian Wuwei Statecraft: Mencius's Political Theory of Responsibility

Despite his strong commitment to the ideal of wuwei statecraft, Mencius advanced a distinct yet cohesive theory of Confucian youwei statecraft that can serve the ideal of wuwei, first by means of the principled application of individual and social responsibility under unfavorable socioeconomic conditions, and second by offering a concrete public policy (i.e. the well-field system) that contributes to a decent socioeconomic condition on which the society can be self-governing and where individuals (and families) can fully exercise their individual moral and socioeconomic responsibility. My central claim is that Confucian wuwei statecraft has a practical and social background, namely, a socioeoconomically and morally self-governing civil society.     

Political Implications of Group Stereotypes: Campaign Experiences of Openly Gay Political Candidates1

The survey of openly gay officials and candidates was undertaken to investigate openly gay candidates’ perceptions about the role of stereotypical beliefs associated with their group in their political experiences. In addition to examining the general presence of stereotypical rhetoric in the campaign experiences of openly gay candidates, I investigated how its pervasiveness varied with the “liberalness” of the district in which the candidates competed, the timing of the candidates’ sexual-orientation disclosure, and the success or failure of their electoral efforts. While stereotypical beliefs about gay men seem not to play a prominent role in all openly gay candidates’ electoral experiences, generally speaking, their perceived influence is magnified under certain conditions.     

Authoritarianism and Economic Threat: Implications for Political Behavior

This study examined whether authoritarians experiencing economic threat are more likely than other authoritarians to support social policy and political agendas that restrict benefits or curtail rights for disadvantaged groups. A sample of 131 college students completed questionnaires that measured authoritarianism, degree of economic and societal insecurity, and attitudes toward eight political issues. Economic and social insecurity were indexed to perceptions of whether one's standard of livingg had declined, whether incom inequality had grown among social classes, and whether crime, race relations, environmental quality, and governmental services had worsened. The political scales reflected issues currently debated in public forums; they included funding mechanisms for social security and health care, the state's role in regulating abortion, government services for illegal immigrants, terminating welfare for unemployed women with children, and regulation of sexual conduct. A logistic model found that, relative to non-threatened authoritarians or nonauthoritarians, threatened authoritarians were six times as likely to favor restricting benefits to powerless groups and eight times as likely to support the state's preventing women from securing anabortion. These results are discussed in terms of systemic changes in the economy that have resulted in declines in real income and increasing income inequality.     

The Many Faces of SocialIdentity: Implications for Political Psychology

Social identity is a concept that has been invented and reinvented across the social and behavioral science disciplines to provide a critical link between the psychology of the individual and the structure and function of social groups. This paper reviews the various definitions of social identity as it is used in different theoretical frameworks, drawing distinctions among person-based identities, relational (role-based) identities, group-based identities, and collective identities. The implications of these different conceptualizations of social identity for political psychology are discussed, with a call for integrative theory that draws on all four definitions interactively.     

Religious Identity-Inconsistent Attending: Its Correlates and Political Implications

The foundation of religious measurement in surveys presumes that individual religious affiliation (“What is your present religion, if any?”) accurately describes the religious community in which respondents are involved. But what if it doesn't? In a recent survey of 4,000 Americans, we asked whether their current congregation matches their religious identity and about a fifth of Americans indicated that it does not. We document the degree of this inconsistency, its correlates, and its implications, focusing primarily on the politics that congregants are exposed to from clergy and the attitudes they hold about salient political matters. The identity-inconsistent attenders often vary significantly from identity-consistent attenders, which serves to introduce considerable measurement error in the use of a religious tradition measure to depict American religion. The results suggest that salient disagreement induces a sizable population to migrate to a congregation outside their religious identity.     

新儒家人文主义的生态转向:对中国和世界的启发

为了人类的绵延长存,无论在理论还是实践上,我们与自然的关系都需要有一个根本性的转变,这是一个紧迫的任务。有关人类和自然的关系的重新阐述要求我们有选择地回归世界各宗教传统的精神本源并做出有鉴别的重估。这样一个回归和重估的过程可能会自然而然地更新传统本身。从历史的角度地来看,富有活力的宗教传统总是在不时地发生重大转变,而这种转变往往是由经济、政治、社会和文化等因素所致的人们未曾预料的结果。今天,轴心时代的文明实际上都在经历着各自的转变,以各具特色的不同形式回应着现代性的种种挑战。①就目前日益严重的环境危机而言,轴心时代的各种文明面临的一个关键问题是,创造怎样的精神财富才能为现代世界人类的发展重新定向。     

儒家政治哲学的特点及其范式建构——以亚里士多德《政治学》为参照

梁启超称,“中国学术以研究人类现世生活之理法为中心,以今语道之,即人生哲学及政治哲学所包含之诸问题也。”[1]陈寅恪进一步补充说,“华夏民族所受儒家学说之影响,最深最巨者,实在制度法律、公私生活之方面。”[2]那么,这个影响华夏民族最深最巨的儒家政治哲学最主要的特点是     

Workplace Familism and Psychological Contract Breach in the Philippines

Cette étude cherche à promouvoir des investigations à fondement théorique sur le vécu familial du travail. Elle apporte sa contribution en proposant et en évaluant la fonction régulatrice du vécu familial du travail en ce qui concerne aussi bien la rupture du contrat psychologique que le comportement civique. Nous avons enquêté auprès de 267 salariés à plein‐temps et avons mis en évidence des effets majeurs des deux sortes de vécu familial du travail (c’est‐à‐dire le vécu familial organisationnel et le vécu familial de la relation avec le supérieur hiérarchique) et de la rupture des obligations relationnelles sur les conduites civiques. Le vécu familial des rapports avec le supérieur intervient aussi dans la relation entre la rupture et le comportement civique, la relation négative entre ces deux termes étant plus affirmée quand le vécu familial vis‐à‐vis du chef est fort. On peut en conclure que les salariés vivant une étroite relation de type familial avec leur supérieur risquent de se sentir trahis et par suite de réagir plus négativement s’ils sont confrontés à une rupture de contrat. On analyse les retombées de ces travaux sur la pratique et les orientations des recherches à venir. The present study addresses the call for theory‐based investigations on workplace familism. It contributes to the literature by proposing and testing the moderating role of workplace familism between psychological contract breach and civic virtue behaviour. We surveyed 267 full‐time employees and found main effects of both types of workplace familism (i.e. workplace organisational and workplace supervisor familism) and breach of relational obligations on civic virtue behaviour. Workplace supervisor familism also moderated the relationship between breach and civic virtue behaviour, with the negative relationship between breach and civic virtue behaviour stronger when workplace supervisor familism was high. This suggests that employees with a high level of workplace supervisor familism may feel a sense of betrayal and, therefore, respond more negatively to contract breach. Implications for practice and directions for future research are discussed.     

Reasons for Conflict: Political Implications of a Definition of Terrorism

This essay analyzes the U.S. political situation before the 2003 invasion of Iraq and ties this conflict to the events of 9/11. The guiding thread of the discussion is the definition of “terrorism” that has led to George W. Bush's declared “war on terrorism.” By means of Hegel's dialectic logic, the essay exposes the problem offered by the category of causality involved in the definition of terrorism: Is terrorism the original “cause” of the war declared on it by the United States (as the Bush administration claims) or is terrorism rather the very “consequence” of that war?     

先秦儒家、法家政治哲学比较研究

在先秦政治哲学中,体现着德治与法治两条截然不同的治国路线。前者的主力军是儒家,后者则以法家为旗帜。本文从不同视角多维度地透视了儒家与法家的德治与法治之争,进而揭示儒法两家的治国方略产生的各不相同的社会功效和客观效果,最后通过对儒法相互态度及历史命运的回溯,领悟道德与法律、德治与法治的相互促进、互济互补。