More Royalist Than the King? Immigration Policy Attitudes Among Naturalized Citizens

Social psychological research has analyzed immigration attitudes mostly from the perspective of natives without an immigrant background. Nevertheless, an increasing number of migrants obtain national citizenship and take a stance towards immigration policies. By studying immigration policy attitudes reported by naturalized citizens, this article develops a dual-pathway model of immigrant political incorporation featuring pathways of either absorption or transformation. Based on a unique sample of immigrants who just accomplished the naturalization procedure (N = 566), we investigate participants' preferences for permissive or restrictive immigration policies as a function of their naturalization motives and expectations about how immigrants should acculturate in the receiving society (i.e., acculturation orientations). Our findings provide evidence for both processes of political absorption and transformation. On the one hand, belongingness motives underlying naturalization were connected to orientations towards host culture adoption, which in turn predicted support for restrictive immigration policies. On the other hand, instrumental motives were connected to orientations towards heritage culture maintenance, which in turn predicted support for permissive immigration policies. To conclude, we discuss the social psychological dynamics involved in the transition from national outsiders to national insiders and highlight the effects of naturalization on power relations between national majority and immigrant minority groups.     

Branding ‘Canadian Experience’ in Immigration Policy: Nation Building in a Neoliberal Era

This paper examines the branding of ‘Canadian experience’ in Canadian immigration policy as a rhetorical strategy for neoliberal nation-building. Since 2008, the Canadian government has introduced an unprecedented number of changes to immigration policy. While the bulk of these policies produce more temporary and precarious forms of migration, the Canadian government has mobilized the rhetoric of ‘Canadian experience’ as a means to identify immigrants who carry the promise of economic and social integration. Through a critical discourse analysis of Canadian print media and political discourse, we trace how the brand of Canadian experience taps into the affective value of national identity in an era of global economic insecurity. We also illustrate how the discourse of Canadian experience (CE) remains ideologically deracialized, such that the government’s embrace of CE as an immigrant selection criterion dismisses the discriminatory effects that this discourse is shown to have for racialized immigrants in Canada.     

Civic Stratification, ‘Plastic’ Citizenship and ‘Plastic Subjectivities’ in Greek Immigration Policy

This article critically discusses Greek immigration policy, its adaptation to current social conditions such as the extended stay of undocumented migrants, and political pressures from the EU, with special focus on three groups of migrants: Albanians, ethnic-Greek Albanians (Northern Epirotes) and ethnic-Greeks from former Soviet Union. Taking into account Greek immigration law, its implementation by public authorities and the diversity of immigration status and associated rights accorded to these three groups of migrants, we argue that there is a ‘plastic citizenship’ (from the notion of plasticity) developed, where boundaries are blurred and processes of becoming or not are fluid, changing over time and influenced by notions of who should belong and who should not, who is entitled to what rights and who is not. Plastic citizenship creates plastic subjectivities for migrants in Greece.     

“And Who Is My Neighbor?” Religion and Immigration Policy Attitudes

This study explores immigration reform as a possible new "moral" issue upon which American religious elites and organizations take public positions. It is argued that religion is a key independent variable necessary for understanding the determinants of public attitudes regarding immigration policy. Theoretical expectations are formed from the ethnoreligious, religious restructuralism, and minority marginalization frameworks. Quantitative evidence is presented, that demonstrates that those who attend religious services more frequently are more likely to support liberal immigration reform policies. Members of minority religions, notably Jews and Latter-day Saints, are also more likely to empathize with the plight of undocumented immigrants and support liberal immigration reform measures.     

Electoral Politics and Immigration in Canada: How Does Immigration Matter?

The conventional wisdom about the relationship between immigration and national electoral politics in Canada, albeit based on limited research, is that immigration is non-partisan and does not feature prominently during election campaigns. This paper examines the last two federal elections, in 2004 and 2006, employing a multi-pronged approach to party platform, media and survey analysis, in order to determine if immigration is discussed and, if so, how. It finds a political debate does take place but is not easily discernible using traditional research methods. This discourse is framed in terms of alternatives of inclusion, and not exclusion, something facilitated by the complexity of the Canadian immigration programme and the geographical and political landscape, and appears to be especially evident during more competitive elections.     

Does Immigration always Promote Innovation? Evidence from Thai Manufacturers

Contrary to studies of other migrant-receiving countries, most of which are developed countries, this paper examines impacts of immigrant workers on innovative capacities in Thailand, which is not only a representative of a receiving country that is a developing country but also a country where the majority of its immigrant workers are unskilled. Analysis of firm-level survey data in Thailand finds that employing unskilled and cheap labor from neighboring countries, namely Myanmar, the Lao PDR, and Cambodia, is like adopting a kind of “labor-saving technology” which actually impedes firms’ R&D investment. Contrary to developed countries in which immigrants are found to boost innovation and promote sustainable growth, in Thailand, even though employing unskilled immigrant workers helps firms maintain their cost competitiveness in the short run, its negative impacts on R&D investment tend to hamper improvements in productivity and thus diminish global competitiveness in the long run. Employing skilled or educated migrants, on the other hand, complements technological progress and encourages firms to innovate more quickly. In addition, the paper finds that providing government incentives and promoting access to financing have become effective tools in facilitating Thai firms’ investment in innovation.     

Consequences of the American States’ Legislative Action on Immigration

Over the past decade, US states have responded to federal inaction on comprehensive immigration reform by increasing their output of immigrant policies, both beneficial and restrictive. Although there is a growing empirical literature focused on predicting such activity by states, less is known, especially on a broad scale, about the state-level consequences associated with the policy tone states adopt toward immigrants. To better understand the consequences of restrictive immigrant policies, we created a restrictive score for each state year between 2005 and 2014 and employed linear regression with panel-corrected standard errors to investigate effects on immigrant-related demographics, economic factors, and political participation. We found that states with higher restrictive policy tones do experience reductions in the number of foreign-born residents, including Hispanics and those with limited English proficiency, a goal of many state legislators who favor restrictive policies. States with restrictive policy tones showed reductions in unemployment and poverty rates as well, which are also professed goals for restrictive policy activity. Mediation analyses suggested that the effects of restrictive policy scores on economic conditions are indirect, being exerted through the percentage of a state’s population that is foreign born. Finally, though much attention is focused on the expected increase in Latino political clout, restrictive policy tone was not predictive of increased voter registration or voting in states that pass these types of policies. If anti-immigrant policies are inducing those who oppose these policies to mobilize politically, it must be in an arena outside of voting.     

China''''s Policy on Freedom of Religious Belief

Intheworldtoday,religiousmotivated,related,factorsarecausingsomecountriesandregionsintoturmoilandgivingrisetoregionalstrife.Thisunfortunatesituationhasdrawntheattentionoftheinternationalcommunity.Inordertofindwaystoresolutiontheseproblems,wemustnotonlydrawlessonsfromtheseconflicts,butalsodrawontheexperiencesofourlong-standingexampleofpeacefulcoexistenceamongreligiousbelievers.China,attheothersideofthePacific,hasneverexperiencedlarge-scalereligiousconflict.Thisisaremarkablesituation.Ifyouhavea…     

Portugal’s Immigration and Integration Policies: a Case Apart?

Most countries in Europe have seen the rise of anti-immigrant political parties in recent years and many have implemented more restrictive immigration measures. Portugal has moved in the opposite direction, seeking to produce some of the best practices and laws on immigration and immigrant integration. Traditional theories of immigration policy fail to account for the Portuguese case, and regional models of immigration overlook ways in which Portugal diverges. Instead, Portuguese policies are best understood as the product of (1) a political consensus on immigration that derives in part from Portugal’s social-revolutionary democratic transition; (2) innovative institutions that enjoy both autonomy and political support, enable a “whole-of-government” approach, and mediate social pressures created by immigration; and (3) leadership choices made by politicians, bureaucrats, and civil society groups to forge consensus and seek inclusion. The Portuguese case signals the importance of adopting other lenses for the comparative study of immigration policies that go beyond regional models and highlight policy similarities among countries from distinct regions.     

Immigration Debate in Canada: How Newspapers Reported, 1996–2004

Media representations shape public opinion of immigration, affect policy debate, and influence immigration law. This paper examines media coverage of immigration in the context of the development and conception of the Canadian 2002 Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. The paper performs a topoi analysis on a data set of 490 articles published in five prominent Canadian English-language daily newspapers that address aspects of immigration law. The results reveal that danger is the most frequent and a relatively consistent theme associated with immigration in media coverage. Cultural aspects are relatively unimportant compared to humanitarian, political, and economic considerations.     

A Defense of Derk Pereboom’s Containment Policy

Derk Pereboom disagrees with P.F. Strawson that abandoning the reactive attitudes associated with praise and blame would come at the price of exiting our personal relationships. According to Pereboom, we can contain or modify our attitudes in ways that preserve, and perhaps even enrich interpersonal relationships. In a recent article, Seth Shabo defends “the inseparability thesis” in order to undermine Pereboom’s containment policy. Drawing on David Goldman’s work on non-antagonistic responses to wrongdoing, we defend Pereboom from Shabo’s critique.     

Motives Don't Matter? Motive Attribution and Counterterrorism Policy

Across three studies, two experiments, and two different countries (Israel and the United States), we examine how perceptions among members of the public regarding the motives of terrorists' influence support for counterterrorist policy. We find that while perceptions that terrorists are motivated by “hatred” (rather than by a “lack of opportunity”—economic or otherwise) strongly correlate with support for harsher counter-tactics, and that these perceptions can be changed by providing information from “experts” on the “true” motivations of the outgroup, these changes in perception do not appear to cause change in support for counterterrorism policy. Our findings suggest that among the public, counterterror policy is not as instrumentally driven as much current research assumes.     

Immigration Policies and Immigrant Women’s Vulnerability to Intimate Partner Violence in Canada

This article explores Canadian immigration policies’ influence on immigrant and newcomer women’s vulnerability to intimate partner violence in Canada. Neoliberal policies’ influence on immigration policies and restructuring of the welfare state, the creation of structural conditions that increase immigrant and newcomer women’s vulnerability to intimate partner violence while restricting their access to services that can help them seek recourse from such abuse, are discussed. The underlying question raised and discussed in this article is whether cultural identity and distinctiveness could be used to rationalize exclusionary policies that are contrary to the ideals of multiculturalism in Canada.     

Tracking the Emotional Cost of Immigration: Ethno-religious Differences and Women’s Mental Health

The challenges of the settlement process can at times give way to persistent feelings of sadness, loneliness, and despair for immigrant women. Based on analysis of the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada, this article shows that immigrant women’s self-reported experiences of mental health vary at arrival and over the course of the settlement process because of the intersection of pre- and post-migration factors. The results show how ethnic origins and religious differences intersect with women’s main activities in Canada and influence multiple mental health trajectories. Immigrant women strategically pursue different post-migration pathways because some are more likely to find the social interactions of employment contexts emotionally distressing while for others shouldering responsibilities for full-time care work in the home leads to mental health problems. Still others who study to retrain or get a Canadian degree find the experience detrimental to their emotional health. However, these very same activities can be conducive to mental well-being for women with different ethno-religious backgrounds. The results illustrate that the intersection of ethnicity, religion, and gender in a stratified Canadian society is complex and produces a range of mental health outcomes. Concerns are raised about the high emotional toll of racialized Canadian workplaces and the stress that some employed Muslim women report. An awareness of influences on immigrant women’s mental health can assist employers and public service providers as well as members of cultural associations and religious groups in providing appropriate social support for them in the early months and years after arrival.     

中国社会研究史中的西南边疆调查:1928-1947

1928-1947年的西南边疆调查,是中国社会研究史上激活社会学、民族学和人类学的边疆调查的关键时期。三个学科的实地研究形成了对此后影响深远的新传统。本文结合边疆研究的生平史和对研究作品的概念考察,表明1934年中研院的机构调整促成了社会科学所和史语所各自的关键转向,使其分别形成了结合经济史与民族史的田野工作理念。其中深蕴的历史想象,与南迁的燕京大学社会学在边疆继续"民族志社会学"的"自然史"理念有着深刻的区别。     

Impact of Immigration on Economic Growth in Canada and in its Smaller Provinces

This paper evaluates the potential impact of education levels of immigrants and Canadian-born on economic growth in Canada and its smaller provinces by using data for the period 2006–2013. We specify a production function in which levels of educational attainments of immigrants and Canadian-born workers are entered separately. Feasible generalized least square (FGLS) method is applied to estimate the production function separately for all immigrants, and also for established immigrants (those who have been in Canada for 10 years or longer). The results show that all educational levels of immigrants have positive and statistically significant effects on economic growth. A similar conclusion applies to Canadian-born workers, although the impacts of their university degree holders is lower than that of immigrant university degree holders. Both immigrant and Canadian-born workers have smaller effects on economic growth in smaller provinces, which have attracted larger numbers of immigrants in recent years. The results also show that the economic growth effects are similar for all and established immigrants. Although these results are consistent with previous findings on discounting of immigrants’ educational credentials, more data are needed to strengthen their validity. We also suggest that the higher economic growth impact of immigrant university degree holders than that of Canadian-born is indicative of greater social returns to higher education resulting from increased diversity of population which in turn, as some previous studies suggest, can result in increased technological innovation, new ideas, and production of a wide variety of goods and services.     

评金冲及著《转折年代--中国的1947年》

金冲及先生前不久出版的《转折年代———中国的 194 7年》一书 ,以 194 7年的中国为研究对象 ,阐述了解放战争时期国民党由优势转变为劣势 ,共产党由劣势转变为优势的演变过程 ,分析了这种优势、劣势互相转变的原因。本文就本书提出了三点商榷之处 ,认为可以在观点上作进一步的完善。