Contrast effects do not underlie effects of preceding liquids on stop-consonant identification by humans

These experiments explored the claim by A. Lotto and K. Kluender (1998) that frequency contrast explains listeners' compensations for coarticulation in the case of liquid consonants coarticulating with following stops. Evidence of frequency contrast in experiments that tested for it directly was not found, but Lotto and Kluender's finding that high- and low-frequency precursor tones can produce contrastive effects on stop-consonant judgments were replicated. The effect depends on the amplitude relation of the tones to the third formant (F3) of the stops. This implies that the tones mask F3 information in the stop consonants. It is unknown whether liquids and following stops in natural speech are in an appropriate intensity relation for masking of the stop. A final experiment, exploiting the McGurk effect, showed compensation for coarticulation by listeners when neither frequency contrast nor masking can be the source of the compensations.     

Young infants' perception of liquid coarticulatory influences on following stop consonants

Phonetic segments are coarticulated in speech. Accordingly, the articulatory and acoustic properties of the speech signal during the time frame traditionally identified with a given phoneme are highly context-sensitive. For example, due to carryover coarticulation, the front tongue-tip position for /1/ results in more fronted tongue-body contact for a /g/ preceded by /1/ than for a /g/ preceded by /r/. Perception by mature listeners shows a complementary sensitivity--when a synthetic /da/-/ga/ continuum is preceded by either /al/ or /ar/, adults hear more /g/s following /l/ rather than /r/. That is, some of the fronting information in the temporal domain of the stop is perceptually attributed to /l/ (Mann, 1980). We replicated this finding and extended it to a signal-detection test of discrimination with adults, using triads of disyllables. Three equidistant items from a /da/-/ga/ continuum were used preceded by /al/ and /ar/. In the identification test, adults had identified item ga5 as "ga,' and dal as "da,' following both /al/ and /ar/, whereas they identified the crucial item d/ga3 predominantly as "ga' after /al/ but as "da' after /ar/. In the discrimination test, they discriminated d/ga3 from da1 preceded by /al/ but not /ar/; compatibly, they discriminated d/ga3 readily from ga5 preceded by /ar/ but poorly preceded by /al/. We obtained similar results with 4-month-old infants. Following habituation to either ald/ga3 or ard/ga3, infants heard either the corresponding ga5 or da1 disyllable. As predicted, the infants discriminated d/ga3 from da1 following /al/ but not /ar/; conversely, they discriminated d/ga3 from ga5 following /ar/ but not /al/. The results suggest that prelinguistic infants disentangle consonant-consonant coarticulatory influences in speech in an adult-like fashion.     

Young infants’ perception of liquid coarticulatory influences on following stop consonants

Phonetic segments are coarticulated in speech. Accordingly, the articulatory and acoustic properties of the speech signal during the time frame traditionally identified with a given phoneme are highly context-sensitive. For example, due to carryover coarticulation, the front tongue-tip position for HI results in more fronted tongue-body contact for a /g/ preceded by /l/ than for a /g/ preceded by /r/. Perception by mature listeners shows a complementary sensitivity—when a synthetic /da/-/ga/ continuum is preceded by either /al/ or /ar/, adults hear more /g/s following HI rather than Irl. That is, some of the fronting information in the temporal domain of the stop is perceptually attributed to /l/ (Mann, 1980). We replicated this finding and extended it to a signaldetection test of discrimination with adults, using triads of disyllables. Three equidistant items from a /da/-/ga/ continuum were used preceded by /al/ and /ar/. In the identification test, adults had identified item ga5 as “ga”, and dal as “da”, following both /al/ and /ar/, whereas they identified the crucial item d/ga3 predominantly as “ga” after /al/ but as “da” after /ar/. In the discrimination test, they discriminated d/ga3 from dal preceded by /al/ but not /ar/; compatibly, they discriminated d/ga3 readily from ga5 preceded by /ar/ but poorly preceded by /al/. We obtained similar results with 4-month-old infants. Following habituation to either ald/ga3 or ard/ga3, infants heard either the corresponding ga5 or dal disyllable. As predicted, the infants discrimi-nated d/ga3 from dal following /al/ but not /ar/; conversely, they discriminated d/ga3 from ga5 following /ar/ but not /al/. The results suggest that prelinguistic infants disentangle consonant-consonant coarticulatory influences in speech in an adult-like fashion.     

Influence of preceding liquid on stop-consonant perception

Certain attributes of a syllable-final liquid can influence the perceived place of articulation of a following stop consonant. To demonstrate this perceptual context effect, the CV portions of natural tokens of [al-da], [al-ga], [ar-da], [ar-ga] were excised and replaced with closely matched synthetic stimuli drawn from a [da]-[ga] continuum. The resulting hybrid disyllables were then presented to listeners who labeled both liquids and stops. The natural CV portions had two different effects on perception of the synthetic CVs. First, there was an effect of liquid category: Listeners perceived “g” more often in the context of [al] than in that of [ar]. Second, there was an effect due to tokens of [al] and [ar] having been produced before [da] or [ga]: More “g” percepts occurred when stops followed liquids that had been produced before [g]. A hypothesis that each of these perceptual effects finds a parallel in speech production is supported by spectrograms of the original utterances. Here, it seems, is another instance in which findings in speech perception reflect compensation for coarticulation during speech production.     

General contrast effects in speech perception: Effect of preceding liquid on stop consonant identification

When members of a series of synthesized stop consonants varying acoustically inF3 characteristics and varying perceptually from /da/ to /ga/ are preceded by /al/, subjects report hearing more /ga/ syllables relative to when each member is preceded by /ar/ (Mann, 1980). It has been suggested that this result demonstrates the existence of a mechanism that compensates for coarticulation via tacit knowledge of articulatory dynamics and constraints, or through perceptual recovery of vocal-tract dynamics. The present study was designed to assess the degree to which these perceptual effects are specific to qualities of human articulatory sources. In three experiments, series of consonant-vowel (CV) stimuli varying inF3-onset frequency (/da/—/ga/) were preceded by speech versions or nonspeech analogues of /al/ and lav I. The effect of liquid identity on stop consonant labeling remained when the preceding VC was produced by a female speaker and the CV syllable was modeled after a male speaker’s productions. Labeling boundaries also shifted when the CV was preceded by a sine wave glide modeled after F3 characteristics of /al/ and /ar/. Identifications shifted even when the preceding sine wave was of constant frequency equal to the offset frequency ofF3 from a natural production. These results suggest an explanation in terms of general auditory processes as opposed to recovery of or knowledge of specific articulatory dynamics.     

Mandarin speech perception by ear and eye follows a universal principle

In this study, the nature of speech perception of native Mandarin Chinese was compared with that of American English speakers, using synthetic visual and auditory continua (from /ba/ to /da/) in an expanded factorial design. In Experiment 1, speakers identified synthetic unimodal and bimodal speech syllables as either /ba/ or /da/. In Experiment 2, Mandarin speakers were given nine possible response alternatives. Syllable identification was influenced by both visual and auditory sources of information for both Mandarin and English speakers. Performance was better described by the fuzzy logical model of perception than by an auditory dominance model or a weighted-averaging model. Overall, the results are consistent with the idea that although there may be differences in information (which reflect differences in phonemic repertoires, phonetic realizations of the syllables, and the phonotactic constraints of languages), the underlying nature of audiovisual speech processing is similar across languages.     

On the causes of compensation for coarticulation: evidence for phonological mediation

This study examined whether compensation for coarticulation in fricative-vowel syllables is phonologically mediated or a consequence of auditory processes. Smits (2001a) had shown that compensation occurs for anticipatory lip rounding in a fricative caused by a following rounded vowel in Dutch. In a first experiment, the possibility that compensation is due to general auditory processing was investigated using nonspeech sounds. These did not cause context effects akin to compensation for coarticulation, although nonspeech sounds influenced speech sound identification in an integrative fashion. In a second experiment, a possible phonological basis for compensation for coarticulation was assessed by using audiovisual speech. Visual displays, which induced the perception of a rounded vowel, also influenced compensation for anticipatory lip rounding in the fricative. These results indicate that compensation for anticipatory lip rounding in fricative-vowel syllables is phonologically mediated. This result is discussed in the light of other compensation-for-coarticulation findings and general theories of speech perception.     

La langue et les Lèvres: cross-language influences on bimodal speech perception.

Previous research in speech perception has yielded two sets of findings which are brought together in the present study. First, it has been shown that normal hearing listeners use visible as well as acoustical information when processing speech. Second, it has been shown that there is an effect of specific language experience on speech perception such that adults often have difficulty identifying and discriminating non-native phones. The present investigation was designed to extend and combine these two sets of findings. Two studies were conducted using six consonant-vowel syllables (/ba/, /va/, /alpha a/, /da/, /3a/, and /ga/ five of which occur in French and English, and one (the interdental fricative /alpha a/) which occurs only in English. In Experiment 1, an effect of specific linguistic experience was evident for the auditory identification of the non-native interdental stimulus by French-speakers. In Experiment 2, it was shown that the effect of specific language experience extends to the perception of the visible information in speech. These findings are discussed in terms of their implications for our understanding of cross-language processes in speech perception and for our understanding of the development of bimodal speech perception.     

Context effects as auditory contrast

Three experiments are reported that collectively show that listeners perceive speech sounds as contrasting auditorily with neighboring sounds. Experiment 1 replicates the well-established finding that listeners categorize more of a [d–g] continuum as [g] after [l] than after [r]. Experiments 2 and 3 show that listeners discriminate stimuli in which the energy concentrations differ in frequency between the spectra of neighboring sounds better than those in which they do not differ. In Experiment 2, [alga–arda] pairs, in which the energy concentrations in the liquid-stop sequences are H(igh) L(ow)–LH, were more discriminable than [alda–arga] pairs, in which they are HH–LL. In Experiment 3, [da] and [ga] syllables were more easily discriminated when they were preceded by lower and higher pure tones, respectively—that is, tones that differed from the stops’ higher and lower F3 onset frequencies—than when they were preceded by H and L pure tones with similar frequencies. These discrimination results show that contrast with the target’s context exaggerates its perceived value when energy concentrations differ in frequency between the target’s spectrum and its context’s spectrum. Because contrast with its context does more that merely shift the criterion for categorizing the target, it cannot be produced by neural adaptation. The finding that nonspeech contexts exaggerate the perceived values of speech targets also rules out compensation for coarticulation by showing that their values depend on the proximal auditory qualities evoked by the stimuli’s acoustic properties, rather than the distal articulatory gestures.     

A critical examination of the spectral contrast account of compensation for coarticulation

Vocal tract gestures for adjacent phones overlap temporally, rendering the acoustic speech signal highly context dependent. For example, following a segment with an anterior place of articulation, a posterior segment’s place of articulation is pulled frontward, and listeners’ category boundaries shift appropriately. Some theories assume that listeners perceptually attune or compensate for coarticulatory context. An alternative is that shifts result from spectral contrast. Indeed, shifts occur when speech precursors are replaced by pure tones, frequency matched to the formant offset at the assumed locus of contrast (Lotto & Kluender, 1998). However, tone analogues differ from natural formants in several ways, raising the possibility that conditions for contrast may not exist in natural speech. When we matched tones to natural formant intensities and trajectories, boundary shifts diminished. When we presented only the critical spectral region of natural speech tokens, no compensation was observed. These results suggest that conditions for spectral contrast do not exist in typical speech.     

Aspects of the syntax of behavior: Syllable structure and speech rate

This paper shows that maximal rate of speech varies as a function of syllable structure. For example, CCV syllables such as [sku] and CVC syllables such as [kus] are produced faster than VCC syllables such as [usk] when subjects repeat these syllables as fast as possible. Spectrographic analyses indicated that this difference in syllable duration was not confined to any one portion of the syllables: the vowel, the consonants and even the interval between syllable repetitions was longer for VCC syllables than for CVC and CCV syllables. These and other findings could not be explained in terms of word frequency, transition frequency of adjacent phonemes, or coarticulation between segments. Moreover, number of phonemes was a poor predictor of maximal rate for a wide variety of syllable structures, since VCC structures such as [ulk] were produced slower than phonemically longer CCCV structures such as [sklu], and V structures such as [a] were produced no faster than phonemically longer CV structures such as [ga]. These findings could not be explained by traditional models of speech production or articulatory difficulty but supported a complexity metric derived from a recently proposed theory of the serial production of syllables. This theory was also shown to be consistent with the special status of CV syllables suggested by Jakobson as well as certain aspects of speech errors, tongue-twisters and word games such as Double Dutch.     

Acoustic cues for the perception of place of articulation in aphasia

Two experiments assessed the abilities of aphasic patients and nonaphasic controls to perceive place of articulation in stop consonants. Experiment I explored labeling and discrimination of [ba, da, ga] continua varying in formant transitions with or without an appropriate burst onset appended to the transitions. Results showed general difficulty in perceiving place of articulation for the aphasic patients. Regardless of diagnostic category or auditory language comprehension score, discrimination ability was independent of labeling ability, and discrimination functions were similar to normals even in the context of failure to reliably label the stimuli. Further there was less variability in performance for stimuli with bursts than without bursts. Experiment II measured the effects of lengthening the formant transitions on perception of place of articulation in stop consonants and on the perception of auditory analogs to the speech stimuli. Lengthening the transitions failed to improve performance for either the speech or nonspeech stimuli, and in some cases, reduced performance level. No correlation was observed between the patient's ability to perceive the speech and nonspeech stimuli.     

The Phonetic Integration of Speech and Non-speech Sounds: Effects of Perceived Location

The third-formant (F3) transition of a three-formant /da/ or /ga/ syllable was extracted and replaced by sine-wave transitions that followed the F3 centre frequency. The syllable without the F3 transition (base) was always presented at the left ear, and a /da/ (falling) or /ga/ (rising) sine-wave transition could be presented at either the left, the right, or both ears. The listeners perceived the base as a syllable, and the sine-wave transition as a non-speech whistle, which was lateralized near the left ear, the right ear, or the middle of the head, respectively. In Experiment 1, the sine-wave transition strongly influenced the identity of the syllable only when it was lateralized at the same ear as the base (left ear). Phonetic integration between the base and the transitions became weak, but was not completely eliminated, when the latter was perceived near the middle of the head or at the opposite ear as the base (right ear). The second experiment replicated these findings by using duplex stimuli in which the level of the sine-wave transitions was such that the subjects could not reliably tell whether a /da/ or a /ga/ transition was present at the same ear as the base. This condition was introduced in order to control for the possibility that the subjects could have identified the syallables by associating a rising or falling transition presented at the left ear with a /da/ or /ga/ percept. Alternative suggestions about the relation between speech and non-speech perceptual processes are discussed on the basis of these results.     

Speech perception by rhesus monkeys: The voicing distinction in synthesized labial and velar stop consonants

Monkeys were presented with synthetic speech stimuli in a shock-avoidance situation. On the basis of their behavior, perceptual boundaries were determined along the physical continua between /ba/ and /pa/, and /ga/ and /ka/, that were close to the human boundaries between voiced and voiceless consonants. As is the case with humans, discrimination across a boundary was better than discrimination between stimuli that were both on one side of the boundary, and there was generalization of the voiced-voiceless distinction from labial to velar syllables. Unlike humans, the monkeys showed large shifts in boundary when the range of stimuli was varied.     

声调在汉语音节感知中的作用

探讨超音段(如声调)与音段信息的共同作用机制, 对口语词汇识别研究具有重要的理论意义。有研究探讨了声调在口语词汇语义通达阶段的作用, 但在相对早期的音节感知阶段, 声调与声母、韵母的共同作用机制还缺乏系统的认识。本研究采用oddball实验范式, 通过两个行为实验考察了声调在汉语音节感知中的作用。实验1发现检测声调和声母变化的时间没有差异, 均比检测韵母变化的时间长, 表明在汉语音节感知中对声调的敏感性不及韵母。实验2发现声母和韵母的组合并没有明显优于对韵母的觉察, 但声调与声母或韵母的同时变化都促进了被试对偏差刺激的觉察, 表明声调通过与声母、韵母的结合来共同影响汉语音节的感知加工。研究结果在认知行为层面为声调在音节感知中的作用机制提供了直接的实验证据, 为进一步探讨超音段与音段信息共同作用的认知神经机制提供了基础。     

Dissociating the performance of cortical and subcortical patients on phonemic tasks

To assess cortical and subcortical contributions to phonemic processing, patients with left frontal, temporal-parietal, or cerebellar lesions as well as those with Parkinson's disease were tested on phonemic identification and production tasks. In Experiment 1, patients and controls were asked to identify syllables on both a voicing and place of articulation continuum. Subcortical patients were relatively unimpaired at this task whereas cortical patients were less accurate at identifying the endpoints of both continua and exhibited little evidence of categorical perception. For Experiment 2, controls and patients were asked to produce syllables. Subcortical patients were able to produce contrastive voice onset times (VOTs) for voicing cognates although VOT of the voiceless phoneme was more variable for cerebellar patients. Cortical patients showed greater overlap in the production of both VOT and formant transition intervals. These results are discussed in terms of the type of computations hypothesized to originate from each neural area.     

The effect of segmental order on fricative labeling by children and adults

We examined whether children modify their perceptual weighting strategies for speech on the basis of the order of segments within a syllable, as adults do. To this end, fricative-vowel (FV) and vowel-fricative (VF) syllables were constructed with synthetic noises from an/[symbol: see text]/-to-/s/continuum combined with natural/a/and/u/portions with transitions appropriate for a preceding or a following /[symbol: see text]/or/s/. Stimuli were played in their original order to adults and children (ages of 7 and 5 years) in Experiment 1 and in reversed order in Experiment 2. The results for adults and, to a lesser extent, those for 7-year-olds replicated earlier results showing that adults assign different perceptual weights to acoustic properties, depending on segmental order. In contrast, results for 5-year-olds suggested that these listeners applied the same strategies during fricative labeling, regardless of segmental order. Thus, the flexibility to modify perceptual weighting strategies for speech according to segmental order apparently emerges with experience.     

Categorical perception of nonspeech chirps and bleats

Mattingly, Liberman, Syrdal, and Halwes, (1971) claimed to demonstrate that subjects cannot classify nonspeech chirp and bleat continua, but that they can classify into three categories a syllable place continuum whose variation is physically identical to the nonspeech chirp and bleat continua. This finding for F2 transitions, as well as similar findings for F3 transitions, has been cited as one source of support for theories that different modes or modules underlie the perception of speech and nonspeech acoustic stimuli. However, this pattern of finding for speech and nonspeech continua may be the result of research methods rather than a true difference in subject ability. Using tonal stimuli based on the nonspeech stimuli of Mattingly et al., we found that subjects, with appropriate practice, could classify nonspeech chirp, short bleat, and bleat continua with boundaries equivalent to the syllable place continuum of Mattingly et al. With the possible exception of the higher frequency boundary for both our bleats and the Mattingly syllables, ABX discrimination peaks were clearly present and corresponded in location to the given labeling boundary.     

Perception of rhythmic grouping: testing the iambic/trochaic law

This study was designed to test the iambic/trochaic law, which claims that elements contrasting in duration naturally form rhythmic groupings with final prominence, whereas elements contrasting in intensity form groupings with initial prominence. It was also designed to evaluate whether the iambic/trochaic law describes general auditory biases, or whether rhythmic grouping is speech or language specific. In two experiments, listeners were presented with sequences of alternating /ga/ syllables or square wave segments that varied in either duration or intensity and were asked to indicate whether they heard a trochaic (i.e., strong-weak) or an iambic (i.e., weak-strong) rhythmic pattern. Experiment 1 provided a validation of the iambic/trochaic law in English-speaking listeners; for both speech and nonspeech stimuli, variations in duration resulted in iambic grouping, whereas variations in intensity resulted in trochaic grouping. In Experiment 2, no significant differences were found between the rhythmic-grouping performances of English- and French-speaking listeners. The speech/ nonspeech and cross-language parallels suggest that the perception of linguistic rhythm relies largely on general auditory mechanisms. The applicability of the iambic/trochaic law to speech segmentation is discussed.