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1.
论民族主义--对民族主义问题的一种自由主义考察   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
高全喜 《学海》2004,(1):58-77
虽然人类历史上民族的形成有着悠久的历史 ,但民族主义却是晚近以来的事情。从西方历史来看 ,民族伴随着现代民族国家的形成而产生。从大的历史框架来说 ,它是一种现代性的思想观念 ,具有现代政治的本质特性。我们知道 ,现代民族国家是西方政治历史中的一个转折性的事件 ,西方各主要民族在经历了中世纪的神权政治和基督教文化的洗礼后 ,逐渐形成了各自的政治国家。这类政治国家虽然在不同时期和不同地域表现出不同的政体形态 ,它们的形成呈现出政治共同体特有的复杂性和多样性 ,有的与王权专制相融合 ,有的与城市联盟相携手。但从总的方面来…  相似文献   

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Can states' immigration policies favor groups with whom they are culturally and historically tied? I shall answer this question here positively, but in a qualified manner. My arguments in support of this answer will be of distributive justice, presupposing a globalist rather than a localist approach to justice. They will be based on a version of liberal nationalism according to which individuals can have fundamental interests in their national culture, interests which are rooted in freedom, identity, and especially in ensuring the meaningfulness of their endeavor. The prevalent means for protecting these interests is the right to national self-determination. Many believe that this right should be conceived of as a right to a state. I shall show that this conception of self-determination implies purely nationalist immigration policies. I shall present reasons for rejecting such policies, reasons which together with other reasons form a strong case against the statist interpretation of the right to self-determination. They form a strong case in favor of understanding self-determination as a bundle of privileges to which nations are entitled within the states dominating their homelands. Some of these privileges have to do with immigration policies. I shall argue for three principles which should regulate these immigration privileges and discuss the relation between them and Israel's Law of Return.  相似文献   

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防控艾滋病的全球模式主要基于危机减少和治疗干预,在可接受性、可支付性等方面存在制约.非洲控制艾滋病流行的本土解决办法内容十分丰富,与现代方法相比,同样甚至更加有效.非洲典型的本土艾滋病防控模式有:危机避免模式、本土药物开发模式和传统护理、支持模式,值得研究和借鉴.  相似文献   

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The dramatic shift in the demographics of African Christianity in the last century necessitates new analysis of its present shape, multivalent relationship to its colonial past, relationship to the African Indigenous Churches, and likely major contribution to the shape and leadership of Christianity in the future.  相似文献   

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Book Information The Morality of Nationalism. Edited by R. McKim and J. McMahan. Oxford University Press. New York. 1997. Pp. xii + 371. Paperback, $42.95.  相似文献   

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Nationalism and Its Explanations   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This paper presents new terms for analyzing individuals' national attitudes and their conceptualization and operationalization, a universal psychological structure in which these concepts interconnect, and a nationalism explanatory model. Three empirical studies using anonymous self-administered surveys served to test and improve national attitude assessment and its developmental theory. These empirical studies were conducted in a well-established state (the Netherlands), a recently established state (Slovakia), and a region in which a considerable proportion of citizens are striving to develop a new independent state (the Basque Autonomous Community of Spain).  相似文献   

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Many liberals have argued that a cosmopolitan perspective on global justice follows from the basic liberal principles of justice. Yet, increasingly, it is also said that intrinsic to liberalism is a doctrine of nationalism. This raises a potential problem for the liberal defense of cosmopolitan justice as it is commonly believed that nationalism and cosmopolitanism are conflicting ideals. If this is correct, there appears to be a serious tension within liberal philosophy itself, between its cosmopolitan aspiration on the one hand, and its nationalist agenda on the other. I argue, however, that this alleged conflict between liberal nationalism and cosmopolitan liberalism disappears once we get clear on the scope and goals of cosmopolitan justice and the parameters of liberal nationalism. Liberal nationalism and cosmopolitan global justice, properly understood, are mutually compatible ideals.  相似文献   

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Abstract This essay sets out from the strain of liberal political thought which, in recent years, has come to the defence of nationalism, and raises some preliminary thoughts concerning its appropriate application to the very concrete issue of national territorial rights. It asks what type of justifications could be morally acceptable to "liberal nationalism" for the acquisition and holding of territory. To this end, the paper takes a brief look at five central arguments for territorial entitlement which have become predominant in political debates. These are: so called "historical rights" to territory; demands for territorial restitution; efficiency arguments; claims of entitlement to territories settled by co-nationals; and lastly, territorial demands based on claims of equal entitlement to the earth's natural resources. These popular arguments point towards several potential criteria for the arbitration of territorial conflicts. The paper attempts to outline the morally relevant guidelines for thinking about territorial issues that flow from, or are at least consistent with, applying liberal values to the national phenomenon. It places the territorial aspect of nationalism at the head of the liberal nationalist agenda and offers an initial common ground for discussion (including disagreement) among liberals, and for the mediation of claims between nations.  相似文献   

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This article examines the narratives, imaginaries, and subjectivities that underpin the far-right, ethnic nationalist “defense leagues” that have emerged in Australia (and across Europe) in the past decade. Referencing three, interrelated nationalist events in Australia—the Cronulla Riots, Cronulla Memorial Day, and the “race-riot” that occurred in Melbourne on January 5, 2019—I argue that defense leagues resist conceptualization through existing theories of nationalism and community, including those articulated by Anderson, Hage, and Esposito. Drawing on Lacanian psychoanalytic theory, I argue that unlike other nationalists, defense nationalists are not primarily concerned with realizing their avowed political projects (such as fortifying national borders, halting immigration, and preserving so-called national values). Instead, they are focused on constructing and enjoying themselves as the privileged national subjects who get to do the nation's defending. As I elaborate, the enjoyment they derive from defending the nation—which is approximate to the Lacanian concept of jouissance—means that paradoxically, that which threatens the nation legitimizes and fortifies the nationalist, because the more the nation is threatened, the more the nationalist's perceived role within it is secured. Ultimately, I argue this jouissance salvages a symbolic life within the nation that is always-already dead.  相似文献   

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Summary

Research on the group-induced choice shift has made two recent advances. First, there has been an initial indication that group-induced shifts may exist in real-world decision-making settings. And second, group discussion has been found to have a polarizing effect, moving members to take more extreme positions. The present research was designed to build upon these two recent advances. In a real-world natural experiment setting, the decisions of federal judges were examined. These decisions were all in response to a challenge to the constitutionality of a state or federal statute or governmental policy. Judges were faced with a choice between a cautious alternative (upholding the validity of the statute or policy) and an extreme alternative (striking down the statute or policy, declaring it null and void). The data indicated that federal judges were more likely to select the extreme course of action after participating in group discussion than when facing similar situations individually.  相似文献   

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Journal of Indian Council of Philosophical Research - The world that we live in today is now dominated by strict national identities, where this national allegiance is given paramount importance....  相似文献   

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本文考察了近代中国的国家主义者对基督教的批判,以及基督教学者从基督教的国家观、基督徒的爱国问题和世界主义(大同主义)等方面所做的回应。这种考察,既可以让我们了解到基督教在中国历史上与某种政治思潮的纠缠,也可以为我们在当今全球化背景下审视基督教与国家的关系提供借鉴。基督教的普世主义可以纠正国家主义的偏狭,国家主义的思想刺激基督教不得不考虑本土化和处境化的问题。  相似文献   

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