Fluency misattribution and auditory hindsight bias

We conducted three experiments to test the fluency-misattribution account of auditory hindsight bias. According to this account, prior exposure to a clearly presented auditory stimulus produces fluent (improved) processing of a distorted version of that stimulus, which results in participants mistakenly rating that item as easy to identify. In all experiments, participants in an exposure phase heard clearly spoken words zero, one, three, or six times. In the test phase, we examined auditory hindsight bias by manipulating whether participants heard a clear version of a target word just prior to hearing the distorted version of that word. Participants then estimated the ability of naïve peers to identify the distorted word. Auditory hindsight bias and the number of priming presentations during the exposure phase interacted underadditively in their prediction of participants’ estimates: When no clear version of the target word appeared prior to the distorted version of that word in the test phase, participants identified target words more often the more frequently they heard the clear word in the exposure phase. Conversely, hearing a clear version of the target word at test produced similar estimates, regardless of the number of times participants heard clear versions of those words during the exposure phase. As per Roberts and Sternberg’s (Attention and Performance XIV, pp. 611–653, 1993) additive factors logic, this finding suggests that both auditory hindsight bias and repetition priming contribute to a common process, which we propose involves a misattribution of processing fluency. We conclude that misattribution of fluency accounts for auditory hindsight bias.     

Tone of voice guides word learning in informative referential contexts

Listeners infer which object in a visual scene a speaker refers to from the systematic variation of the speaker's tone of voice (ToV). We examined whether ToV also guides word learning. During exposure, participants heard novel adjectives (e.g., “daxen”) spoken with a ToV representing hot, cold, strong, weak, big, or small while viewing picture pairs representing the meaning of the adjective and its antonym (e.g., elephant–ant for big–small). Eye fixations were recorded to monitor referent detection and learning. During test, participants heard the adjectives spoken with a neutral ToV, while selecting referents from familiar and unfamiliar picture pairs. Participants were able to learn the adjectives' meanings, and, even in the absence of informative ToV, generalize them to new referents. A second experiment addressed whether ToV provides sufficient information to infer the adjectival meaning or needs to operate within a referential context providing information about the relevant semantic dimension. Participants who saw printed versions of the novel words during exposure performed at chance during test. ToV, in conjunction with the referential context, thus serves as a cue to word meaning. ToV establishes relations between labels and referents for listeners to exploit in word learning.     

Perceptual learning in speech

This study demonstrates that listeners use lexical knowledge in perceptual learning of speech sounds. Dutch listeners first made lexical decisions on Dutch words and nonwords. The final fricative of 20 critical words had been replaced by an ambiguous sound, between [f] and [s]. One group of listeners heard ambiguous [f]-final words (e.g., [WItlo?], from witlof, chicory) and unambiguous [s]-final words (e.g., naaldbos, pine forest). Another group heard the reverse (e.g., ambiguous [na:ldbo?], unambiguous witlof). Listeners who had heard [?] in [f]-final words were subsequently more likely to categorize ambiguous sounds on an [f]-[s] continuum as [f] than those who heard [?] in [s]-final words. Control conditions ruled out alternative explanations based on selective adaptation and contrast. Lexical information can thus be used to train categorization of speech. This use of lexical information differs from the on-line lexical feedback embodied in interactive models of speech perception. In contrast to on-line feedback, lexical feedback for learning is of benefit to spoken word recognition (e.g., in adapting to a newly encountered dialect).     

汉语双字词超音段信息在语义激活中的作用

采用眼动方法,通过两个实验考察了汉语双字词超音段信息在语义激活中的作用。结果显示：（1）汉语双字词语义激活过程中,分别改变首字声调和尾字声调对语义激活起到抑制作用,首字声调改变时的抑制作用更大。结果支持了Cohort模型。（2）语义相关词的注视点和注视时间远远多于其控制词,但没有发现词频效应。（3）汉语声调的加工过程与声韵母一样,独立作用于语义激活过程。     

Lexically guided retuning of letter perception

Participants made visual lexical decisions to upper-case words and nonwords, and then categorized an ambiguous N-H letter continuum. The lexical decision phase included different exposure conditions: Some participants saw an ambiguous letter "?", midway between N and H, in N-biased lexical contexts (e.g., REIG?), plus words with unambiguous H (e.g., WEIGH); others saw the reverse (e.g., WEIG?, REIGN). The first group categorized more of the test continuum as N than did the second group. Control groups, who saw "?" in nonword contexts (e.g., SMIG?), plus either of the unambiguous word sets (e.g., WEIGH or REIGN), showed no such subsequent effects. Perceptual learning about ambiguous letters therefore appears to be based on lexical knowledge, just as in an analogous speech experiment (Norris, McQueen, & Cutler, 2003) which showed similar lexical influence in learning about ambiguous phonemes. We argue that lexically guided learning is an efficient general strategy available for exploitation by different specific perceptual tasks.     

Lexically guided retuning of letter perception

Participants made visual lexical decisions to upper-case words and nonwords, and then categorized an ambiguous N–H letter continuum. The lexical decision phase included different exposure conditions: Some participants saw an ambiguous letter “?”, midway between N and H, in N-biased lexical contexts (e.g., REIG?), plus words with unambiguous H (e.g., WEIGH); others saw the reverse (e.g., WEIG?, REIGN). The first group categorized more of the test continuum as N than did the second group. Control groups, who saw “?” in nonword contexts (e.g., SMIG?), plus either of the unambiguous word sets (e.g., WEIGH or REIGN), showed no such subsequent effects. Perceptual learning about ambiguous letters therefore appears to be based on lexical knowledge, just as in an analogous speech experiment (Norris, McQueen, & Cutler, 2003) which showed similar lexical influence in learning about ambiguous phonemes. We argue that lexically guided learning is an efficient general strategy available for exploitation by different specific perceptual tasks.     

Reverse production effect: children recognize novel words better when they are heard rather than produced

This research investigates the effect of production on 4.5‐ to 6‐year‐old children's recognition of newly learned words. In Experiment 1, children were taught four novel words in a produced or heard training condition during a brief training phase. In Experiment 2, children were taught eight novel words, and this time training condition was in a blocked design. Immediately after training, children were tested on their recognition of the trained novel words using a preferential looking paradigm. In both experiments, children recognized novel words that were produced and heard during training, but demonstrated better recognition for items that were heard. These findings are opposite to previous results reported in the literature with adults and children. Our results show that benefits of speech production for word learning are dependent on factors such as task complexity and the developmental stage of the learner.     

BRIEF REPORT Self‐reference,ambiguity, and dysphoria

The present study examined two aspects of a dysphoric attentional bias: (1) the role of the emotional tone of the stimuli; and (2) the role of self‐referential processing. A total of 40 nondepressed participants were divided into groups of high and low dysphoria and then primed using a series of formal and self‐referent tasks. Word fragments were presented, using a computer. Each word fragment could be completed with either of two solutions: (i) a word primed through a formal learning process: or (ii) a word primed through a self‐referential process. Results indicated that dysphoric participants; (1) showed a bias towards negative information in general; and (2) showed a bias towards using self‐referent words to complete ambiguous word fragments, independent of the emotional tone of the stimuli. The implications of these findings for both the dysphoric self‐concept and cognitive therapy are discussed.     

Learning Words Via Reading: Contextual Diversity,Spacing, and Retrieval Effects in Adults

We examined whether variations in contextual diversity, spacing, and retrieval practice influenced how well adults learned new words from reading experience. Eye movements were recorded as adults read novel words embedded in sentences. In the learning phase, unfamiliar words were presented either in the same sentence repeated four times (same context) or in four different sentences (diverse context). Spacing was manipulated by presenting the sentences under distributed or non‐distributed practice. After learning, half of the participants were asked to retrieve the new words, and half had an extra exposure to the new words. Although words experienced in diverse contexts were acquired more slowly during learning, they enjoyed a greater benefit of learning at immediate posttest. Distributed practice also slowed learning, but no benefit was observed at posttest. Although participants who had an extra exposure showed the greatest learning benefit overall, learning also benefited from retrieval opportunity, when words were experienced in diverse contexts. These findings demonstrate that variation in the content and structure of the learning environment impacts on word learning via reading.     

Contrasting off-line segmentation decisions with on-line word segmentation during reading

In two experiments, we investigated the correspondences between off-line word segmentation and on-line segmentation processing during Chinese reading. In Experiment 1, participants were asked to read sentences which contained critical four-character strings, and then, they were required to segment the same sentences into words in a later off-line word segmentation task. For each item, participants were split into 1-word segmenters (who segmented four-character strings as a single word) and 2-word segmenters (who segmented four-character strings as 2 two-character words). Thus, we split participants into two groups (1-word segmenters and 2-word segmenters) according to their off-line segmentation bias. The data analysis showed no reliable group effect on all the measures. In order to avoid the heterogeneity of participants and stimuli in Experiment 1, two groups of participants (1-word segmenters and 2-word segmenters) and three types of critical four-character string (1-word strings, ambiguous strings, and 2-word strings) were identified in a norming study in Experiment 2. Participants were required to read sentences containing these critical strings. There was no reliable group effect in Experiment 2, as was the case in Experiment 1. However, in Experiment 2, participants spent less time and made fewer fixations on 1-word strings compared to ambiguous and 2-word strings. These results indicate that the off-line word segmentation preferences do not necessarily reflect on-line word segmentation processing during Chinese reading and that Chinese readers exhibit flexibility such that word, or multiple constituent, segmentation commitments are made on-line.     

Brain potentials associated with recollective processing of spoken words

The neurocognitive foundations of recollection can be explored by recording event-related potentials (ERPs) from the human brain. In the present study, we monitored brain activity while participants heard a series of words, first in a study phase and again, 1-2 min later, in a test phase, when both priming and recognition were measured. Level of processing at study was manipulated within-subjects via instructions either to visualize the referent of each word (the image task) or to detect the presence of target letters (the letter task). Priming of lexical decision response time was observed but did not differ across study task, whereas recognition was better for image- than for letter-task words. Brain potentials recorded at test revealed a task effect, wherein ERPs were more positive for image- than for letter-task words approximately 600-900 msec after word onset. The task effect was restricted to posterior scalp locations and was interpreted as an indication of visual imagery triggered by spoken words. Given that similar potentials were also elicited at study, we speculate that accurate recognition of words from the image task involved the recapitulation of the visual imagery that was initially engaged during the study phase.     

Phonological abstraction in the mental lexicon

A perceptual learning experiment provides evidence that the mental lexicon cannot consist solely of detailed acoustic traces of recognition episodes. In a training lexical decision phase, listeners heard an ambiguous [f–s] fricative sound, replacing either [f] or [s] in words. In a test phase, listeners then made lexical decisions to visual targets following auditory primes. Critical materials were minimal pairs that could be a word with either [f] or [s] (cf. English knife–nice), none of which had been heard in training. Listeners interpreted the minimal pair words differently in the second phase according to the training received in the first phase. Therefore, lexically mediated retuning of phoneme perception not only influences categorical decisions about fricatives (Norris, McQueen, & Cutler, 2003), but also benefits recognition of words outside the training set. The observed generalization across words suggests that this retuning occurs prelexically. Therefore, lexical processing involves sublexical phonological abstraction, not only accumulation of acoustic episodes.     

Eye movements and lexical ambiguity resolution: investigating the subordinate-bias effect

Recent debates on lexical ambiguity resolution have centered on the subordinate-bias effect, in which reading time is longer on a biased ambiguous word in a subordinate-biasing context than on a control word. The nature of the control word--namely, whether it matched the frequency of the ambiguous word's overall word form or its contextually instantiated word meaning (a higher or lower frequency word, respectively)--was examined. In addition, contexts that were singularly supportive of the ambiguous word's subordinate meaning were used. Eye movements were recorded as participants read contextually biasing passages that contained an ambiguous word target or a word-form or word-meaning control. A comparison of fixation times on the 2 control words revealed a significant effect of word frequency. Fixation times on the ambiguous word generally fell between those on the 2 controls and were significantly different than both. Results are discussed in relation to the reordered access model, in which both meaning frequency and prior context affect access procedures.     

Effects of rate and word boundary ambiguity on recall by normal and impaired listeners

Twenty normal-hearing and 20 hearing-impaired persons heard experimental sentences that included two syllables with an ambiguous word boundary and control sentences that did not include an ambiguous word boundary. The sentences were produced at two rates. Difficulty in generating a meaning for the ambiguous word boundary that made sense within the sentence appeared to reduce recall. For the normal-hearing persons, the difficulty with the ambiguous word boundary reduced recall of experimental sentence words when the speech was fast but not when it was slow. For the hearing-impaired persons, the difficulty reduced the recall of the experimental sentence words when the speech was slow but not when it was fast. Two weeks later, the same listeners heard a set of two syllables having ambiguous word boundaries that were isolated from their sentences. Varying speed of speaking affected the segmentation of the two syllables by the normal-hearing more than it affected the segmentation by the hearing-impaired.This work was supported by NINDS Grants No. NS10468 and 05362.     

Effects of the emotional properties of words and a manipulation of mindset on performance of an ambiguous task

In this study, we investigated whether processing of an ambiguous task was influenced by the emotional properties of words or promotion of a specific mindset. Words used differed in valence and origin of an affective state (derived “from heart” or “from mind”). Mindset was manipulated by suggesting that either fast or slow performance was associated with cleverness and then having participants perform a task requiring the “smart” processing strategy. The ambiguous task was to choose which of 2 Far East hexagrams better represented a previously presented target word. Reaction latencies were measured and appeared to be longer for ambiguous task probes involving words of reflective origin rather than automatic or unspecified origin. Promotion of heuristic thinking was associated with shorter responses latencies than promotion of systematic or neutral processing. The study demonstrated that the processing mode may be promoted by means of both emotional and cognitive manipulations and each of them is working in a specific way.     

新词词素熟悉性影响视觉词切分线索在新词学习中的促进作用

为考察词素熟悉性是否会影响视觉词切分线索在新词学习中的作用,本研究中新词由两类假词构成：第一类假词由两个高频字（高熟悉性词素）组成,第二类假词由两个低频字（低熟悉性词素）组成。实验采用学习-测试范式,将新词镶嵌在句子中供大学生被试阅读。结果发现,相比由低熟悉性词素构成的新词,词间空格在由高熟悉词素构成的新词中起到的促进作用更大。表明在汉语阅读过程中,词素熟悉性可能作为一种线索参与词切分。     

Becoming a written word: Eye movements reveal order of acquisition effects following incidental exposure to new words during silent reading

We know that from mid-childhood onwards most new words are learned implicitly via reading; however, most word learning studies have taught novel items explicitly. We examined incidental word learning during reading by focusing on the well-documented finding that words which are acquired early in life are processed more quickly than those acquired later. Novel words were embedded in meaningful sentences and were presented to adult readers early (day 1) or later (day 2) during a five-day exposure phase. At test adults read the novel words in semantically neutral sentences. Participants’ eye movements were monitored throughout exposure and test. Adults also completed a surprise memory test in which they had to match each novel word with its definition. Results showed a decrease in reading times for all novel words over exposure, and significantly longer total reading times at test for early than late novel words. Early-presented novel words were also remembered better in the offline test. Our results show that order of presentation influences processing time early in the course of acquiring a new word, consistent with partial and incremental growth in knowledge occurring as a function of an individual’s experience with each word.     

汉语老年读者的多词单元加工：来自眼动研究的证据

选取由两个双字词组成的多词组合（单词组合、模糊词组合、双词组合）,比较老年人和青年人对多词单元的加工情况。结果发现,相比于其他两类组合,所有被试在单词组合上的注视时间更短,第一遍注视次数更少,成分词上的注视时间更短,跳读率更高,表现出多词单元的加工优势,而且这一加工优势不存在显著的年龄差异。结果表明,汉语老年读者同样将多词单元作为整体进行加工。     

The modulation of lexical competition by segment duration

In an eye-tracking study, we examined how fine-grained phonetic detail, such as segment duration, influences the lexical competition process during spoken word recognition. Dutch listeners’ eye movements to pictures of four objects were monitored as they heard sentences in which a stop-initial target word (e.g.,pijp “pipe”) was preceded by an [s]. The participants made more fixations to pictures of cluster-initial words (e.g.,spijker “nail”) when they heard a long [s] (mean duration, 103 msec) than when they heard a short [s] (mean duration, 73 msec). Conversely, the participants made more fixations to pictures of the stop-initial words when they heard a short [s] than when they heard a long [s]. Lexical competition between stop- and cluster-initial words, therefore, is modulated by segment duration differences of only 30 msec.