Telescoping is not time compression: A model

A model of telescoping is proposed that assumes no systematic errors in dating. Rather, the overestimation of recent occurrences of events is based on the combination of three factors: (1) Retention is greater for recent events; (2) errors in dating, though unbiased, increase linearly with the time since the dated event; and (3) intrusions often occur from events outside the period being asked about, but such intrusions do not come from events that have not yet occurred. In Experiment 1, we found that recall for colloquia fell markedly over a 2-year interval, the magnitude of errors in psychologists' dating of the colloquia increased at a rate of .4 days per day of delay, and the direction of the dating error was toward the middle of the interval. In Experiment 2, the model used the retention function and dating errors from the first study to predict the distribution of the actual dates of colloquia recalled as being within a 5-month period. In Experiment 3, the findings of the first study were replicated with colloquia given by, instead of for, the subjects.     

Memory of elapsed time and feeling of time discrepancy

In dating past events, one sometimes recalls inaccurate dates and tends to estimate recent events too remotely and remote events too recently (telescoping). On the other hand, even when one knows the exact dates of events, subjective time could be elastic and often different from objective time. This Feeling of Time Discrepancy between objective and subjective elapsed times was examined with two autobiographical events. Results showed that (1) subjects reported a discrepancy even if the exact dates of events were known and (2) the discrepancy for entrance into university was higher than that for graduation from high school, even when they happened at almost same time. The results are discussed in terms of "location" and "distance" theories, Kemp's 1999 associative model of dating, and Conway's 2000 self-memory system. Autobiographical memory may be organized in terms of present self-concept with our past fitted to the present self-concept. However, if autobiographical memory changes greatly, we cannot share autobiographical memory with other people. We may be adapted to the present life by making only a sense of the subjective elapsed time of each event change with the accurate time information of the autobiographical facts held.     

Reconstructing the dates of personal events: Gender differences in accuracy

One commonly held stereotype is that females are more concerned with, and attentive to, dates than are males. One possible implication of this idea is that females have a more welldeveloped temporal reference schema than males, which should allow females to reconstruct the dates on which past events have occurred with more accuracy than males. This accuracy hypothesis was assessed by re-analysing the data from four studies collected in previous work on the accuracy of event dating. Analyses of two of the studies yielded evidence for more accurate female dating; analysis of a third study produced a substantial, but non-significant, trend in the predicted direction; and analysis of the fourth study yielded a small, but nonsignificant, reversal. A meta-analysis combining the results of these four studies indicated that the dating accuracy of females was superior to the dating accuracy of males. Additional analyses indicated that these differences were probably not due to differences in self-disclosure patterns.     

Reconstructing Dates of True and False Autobiographical Memories

Two subjects kept records of everyday events and thoughts over a 5 month period. Each day both true and false records were created. Seven months later, the subjects attempted to recognise each diary entry and to judge whether it referred to a true or false record. The subjects also dated each entry believed to be true and provided various ratings, including the nature of memory awareness associated with the recognition judgement. Those items remembered correctly as true were dated more accurately than items incorrectly remembered as true (false memories). However, even false memories that is, self-convincing lies were consistently dated better than chance. Furthermore, events were dated more accurately than thoughts, and items that were recollectively experienced were associated with enhanced dating accuracy. These findings are at odds with the notion of temporal traces or tags and instead support the reconstructive nature of temporal knowledge in autobiographical memory.     

Illness representations: a prototype approach

Two experiments tested the hypothesis that laypeople cognitively organize and recall information about physical symptoms according to prototyped conceptions they have of physical diseases. Based on pilot studies that identified the extent to which subjects associated specified symptoms with specific diseases, symptom sets were assembled to vary in the extent to which the symptoms were perceived to be associated with (to be prototypical of) a given disease. Experiment 1 asked subjects to indicate whether a given set of symptoms indicated a disease and, if so, which one. Experiment 2 tested subjects' recall for symptom sets varying in prototypicality for given diseases and also tested the effects on recall of giving subjects a diagnosis. Results of both experiments support the prototype hypothesis that information about physical symptoms is organized and processed according to people's preexisting beliefs about the association between particular symptoms and diseases. Implications for illness behavior and help seeking are discussed.     

A year’s memories: The calendar effect in autobiographical recall

When asked to recall autobiographical events from the past year, students tend to recall more incidents from the beginning and the end of school terms than from other periods. We investigated thiscalendar effect in Experiment 1 by comparing free recall at schools with different academic calendars. The event distributions tracked the individual calendars, helping to eliminate the possibility that the calendar effect is due to seasonal, nonschool factors, such as holidays. In Experiments 2–4, we checked explanations based on the ideas that events at term boundaries are more important or distinctive than others, that events are incorrectly dated too near the boundaries, and that boundaries serve as implicit cues for recall. These experiments revealed no evidence that importance or errors in dating could explain the effect. Manipulating cues, however, did change the size of the effect, implicating retrieval from very long-term memory as the effect’s source. We suggest that when people have to search episodic memory, they consider their own calendar rhythms (such as a student’s academic schedule) and let the temporal structure of their personal context guide their search.     

An associative theory of estimating past dates and past prices

The theory—a location theory, in W. J. Friedman’s (1993) terminology—assumes that time information such as the date of an event is increasingly likely to become unavailable with passing time. The theory suggests that when people are asked to date events whose time is unknown, they find and supply time information for the most similar event and context for which it is available. Simulations of the dating process were compared with experimental results and produced similar patterns of error and bias. The theory is extended to explain errors and biases in how people estimate past prices.     

Remembering experienced and reported events

Reported events are distinguished from personally experienced (autobiographical) events by being known from reports provided from some person or agency—for example, news reports. Memory for reported events has usually been ignored theoretically, or classified as ‘semantic’, though it is clearly concerned with specific, dated episodes. We discuss a number of differences between the information available to specify experienced and reported events, and the possible implications of such differences for remembering the events. A study of retrieval of the two types of events, prompted by cue words, showed that reported events take much longer time to retrieve but are dated as being equally old as experienced events. Effects of using emotion words as cues were similar for the two event types. These results suggest that reported events are forgotten (or become inaccessible) at the same rate as experienced events, but that memories are organized in such a way that reported events often have to be accessed indirectly through memories of associated autobiographical events.     

Memory for time: How people date events

The effect of different formats on the accuracy of dating news and the distribution of personal events was examined in four conditions. In the first, participants had to date events in the absolute time format (e.g., "July 2004"), and in the second, they had to date events in the relative time format (e.g., "3 weeks ago"). In the other conditions, they were asked to choose between the two formats. We found a small backward telescoping effect for recent news events and a large forward telescoping effect for remote events. Events dated in the absolute time format were more accurate than those dated in the relative time format. Furthermore, participants preferred to date news events with the relative time format and personal events with the absolute time format, as well as preferring to date remote events in the relative time format and recent events in the absolute time format.     

When personal history repeats itself: Decomposing memories for recurring events

Retrospective reports of personal events constitute the principal data source for much applied social science research. Such reports are known to be subject to biases and errors of inference. In health surveys, for example, events associated with chronic conditions are particularly likely to be under-reported (Jabine, 1987). In this series of studies we apply perspectives and tools from psychological studies of memory to the problem of understanding and improving reports of past untilization of health care. In two studies we found that subjects report using different strategies to answer questions about how often they have seen a doctor over the past 12 months, depending on the type of doctor's visit and its frequency. A third study, in which subjects' recall was checked against medical records, provided evidence that individual health events within a group of recurring, similar events are much less likely than non-recurring events to be recalled. In Experiment 4 we tested the efficacy of cognitively oriented intervention techniques designed to (1) help subjects decompose their molar memories of groups of similar events into individual events and (2) place all remembered health events into a personal timeline. The intervention more than doubled the proportion of recurring events on the medical record that was recalled. In addition, the proportion of events that could be dated, and the accuracy of dates provided, both rose.     

Children dating childhood memories

How accurate are children when dating very long-term memories? Chinese and European Canadian 8-, 11-, and 14-year-olds (N=344) recalled and dated memories from before they went to school in a memory fluency task. Parents provided verification of children's memories and age estimates. Across all age and culture groups, a telescoping effect (i.e., events were dated as taking place more recently than they actually did) was found for earlier memories (before 48 months) and a reverse telescoping effect for later memories (after 48 months). Older children showed a greater tendency to telescope earlier memories and a weaker tendency to reverse telescope later memories than did younger children. Euro-Canadian children showed larger reverse telescoping than Chinese children. These are the first systematic findings concerning the accuracy of children's dating of very long-term memories. They shed new light on the phenomenon of telescoping and have implications for research on childhood amnesia.     

情绪效价的记忆增强效应:存储或提取优势?

情绪效价和情绪唤醒是描述情绪的两个维度。情绪增强记忆效应表明情绪唤醒事件的记忆往往优于非情绪唤醒事件的记忆,但关于积极情绪记忆和消极情绪记忆哪个在记忆中处于优势仍存在争论。实验以情绪词对和中性词对为实验材料。实验一探讨积极情绪词语或消极情绪词语的记忆优势; 实验二探讨积极情绪环境或消极情绪环境中中性词语的记忆优势。在两种实验条件下,积极情绪下的自由回忆都优于消极情绪下的自由回忆; 多项加工树的存储—提取模型使用实验自由回忆和线索回忆的结果将记忆的存储和提取优势分离开来,结果表明:积极情绪事件记忆优势发生在存储阶段,而积极情绪环境记忆优势发生在存储和提取阶段; 积极情绪事件记忆偏向支持“刺激后编码增强假设”,积极情绪环境记忆偏向支持“唤醒—偏向竞争假设”。     

The coupled oscillator model of between-hand coordination in alternate-hand tapping: a reappraisal

Single and alternating hand tapping were compared to test the hypothesis that coordination during rhythmic movements is mediated by the control of specific time intervals. In Experiment 1, an auditory metronome was used to indicate a set of timing patterns in which a 1-s interval was divided into 2 subintervals. Performance, measured in terms of the deviation from the target patterns and variability, was similar under conditions in which the finger taps were made with 1 hand or alternated between the 2 hands. In Experiment 2, the modality of the metronome (auditory or visual) was found to influence the manner in which the produced intervals deviated from the target patterns. These results challenge the notion that bimanual coordination emerges from coupling constraints intrinsic to the 2-hand system. They are in accord with a framework that emphasizes the control of specific time intervals to form a series of well-defined motor events.     

Dating recent and historical events

Subjects were asked to date 28 ‘recent’ public events that had occurred in the previous 7 years, and 28 ‘historical’ events that occurred between 1765 and 1947. For both kinds of event, the age of older events was underestimated and that of more recent events overestimated, a result agreeing with previous research. Whether the events were well or poorly known, as rated by a separate sample of subjects, affected the dating error of historical but not recent events. The results suggest that both recent and historical events are dated by a rather abstract, constructive process, rather than by cues relating to the age of the memory or the time of its formation.     

Does anxiety lead to selective processing of threat-related information?

Four experiments investigating the detailed nature of the attentional bias in anxiety are reported. Previous research using the Stroop task has shown that, when compared with non-patient controls, anxious patients are relatively slower at colour naming threat-related words than non-threat words. Experiments One and Two investigated whether this apparent attentional bias is a function of anxiety per se and/or is related to patient/non-patient status. Experiment One compared colour-naming times for threat and non-threat words in low, medium and high trait anxiety normal subjects. High anxiety was not associated with slower colour-naming times for threat words. Experiment Two compared generalized anxiety disorder patients with equally anxious non-patients and found that the patients were significantly slower at colour-naming threat words. Read aloud and dwell tasks were also included in these experiments in order to identify the mechanism of Stroop interference. Experiments Three and Four investigated whether anxious patients' attentional bias is specific to threat-related material or also extends to certain positive, emotional material. In Experiment Three words used in previous Stroop studies were rated for emotionality. Threat words were more emotional, as well as more threatening, than control words, indicating that previous studies have confounded threat and emotionality. Experiment Four compared colour-naming times for threat words, equally emotional positive words, and neutral words. Consistent with the emotionality hypothesis, generalized anxiety disorder patients were slower than non-anxious controls at colour naming both threat words and positive words. The theoretical, methodological and clinical implications of these results are discussed.     

Self-events and other-events: Temporal dating and event memory

A diary methodology was used to assess factors related to temporal dating and cued recall of real-world events. In one diary, participants kept a record of unique personal autobiographical events. In a second diary, participants recorded unique events from the life of a friend or relation. At the time each event was recorded, participants rated the event’s pleasantness, person typicality, and degree of initial mental involvement in the event. At the end of the academic quarter, participants provided a recall rating, a rehearsal rating, a date estimate, and a report of the strategy used to estimate the date for each event. Results of regression analyses indicated that both self-events and other-events were characterized by superior memory for person-atypical events. Furthermore, there was a positivity bias in recall for self-events, but there was a negativity bias in recall for other-events. Mediational analyses indicated that the self-event positivity bias was due to enhanced mental involvement when the events occurred, whereas the other-event negativity bias was due to subsequent event rehearsal. The date estimation results indicated that self-event dating was more accurate and evinced less telescoping than other-event dating. Furthermore, the accuracy of date estimates was substantially mediated by event memory. However, mediational differences between self-events and other-events did not emerge. The theoretical implications of these results are discussed.     

The time course of gaze bias in visual decision tasks

In three experiments, we used eyetracking to investigate the time course of biases in looking behaviour during visual decision making. Our study replicated and extended prior research by Shimojo, Simion, Shimojo, and Scheier (2003), and Simion and Shimojo (2006). Three groups of participants performed forced-choice decisions in a two-alternative free-viewing condition (Experiment 1a), a two-alternative gaze-contingent window condition (Experiment 1b), and an eight-alternative free-viewing condition (Experiment 1c). Participants viewed photographic art images and were instructed to select the one that they preferred (preference task), or the one that they judged to be photographed most recently (recency task). Across experiments and tasks, we demonstrated robust bias towards the chosen item in either gaze duration, gaze frequency or both. The present gaze bias effect was less task specific than those reported previously. Importantly, in the eight-alternative condition we demonstrated a very early gaze bias effect, which rules out a postdecision response-related explanation.     

Domain Knowledge and Hindsight Bias among Poker Players

Hindsight bias occurs when individuals believe that events were more predictable after they have occurred than they actually were before they occurred. Although hindsight bias is a well‐studied phenomenon, few studies have examined the role of expertise in this bias. Two experiments investigated the relation between the magnitude of hindsight bias and self‐reported poker expertise (Experiment 1) and assessed poker knowledge (Experiment 2). In Experiment 1, self‐rated poker expertise was negatively correlated with hindsight bias. Experiment 2 employed memory and hypothetical hindsight conditions and found that poker knowledge was negatively correlated with hindsight bias in the memory condition, but unrelated to hindsight bias in the hypothetical condition. These results help elucidate the role of expertise in hindsight bias and provide additional support for the separate components view, which claims there are different forms of hindsight bias that are differentially affected by certain factors. Domain knowledge appears to be one of such factors. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Conjunctive bias in memory representations of logical connectivesa

The paper presents the conjunctive bias in memory-a novel phenomenon that helps to clarify representations of logical connectives. The conjunctive bias is a tendency toward more accurate recall and recognition of conjunctive forms than of forms based on other logical connectives and a tendency to recall and recognize other logical forms as if they were conjunctions. Three experiments, in which participants' memory representations associated with different logical connectives were examined, were conducted to test the conjunctive bias hypothesis. In Experiment 1, participants learned picture-proposition pairs involving either conjunctions or disjunctions and then had to recall each proposition when cued with its picture. In Experiments 2 and 3, recognition memory for conjunctions, disjunctions, and conditionals was examined with an old/new recognition procedure. The findings of these experiments provide evidence for the conjunctive bias. Furthermore, the results of Experiment 3 suggest that corjunctive bias is not simply a pragmatically caused preference for conjunctions. The discussion focuses on the implications of these findings for current theories of deductive reasoning.