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1.
唐宋时期海上贸易的兴盛,推动了沿海港口城市空间形态的演变。港口所带来的人流物流聚集和财富增长促进了城市的发展,也引导着城市空间的拓展方向。原先依托港口自发形成的城外商业街区被括入新建的外城,发展成综合航运交通与商业贸易为一体的城市经济功能区。整个城市空间也因而呈现出复合式的格局:子城以官署为核心的规整布局与外城街道沿水道自然发育而成的随机布局相容并立;礼制秩序的官府社会与自由开放的民间社会互融共生。  相似文献   

2.
稷下寻迹     
稷下学宫是战国时期齐王在齐国都城临淄建立的政治咨询和学术研讨的场所,在这里开创了百家争鸣的优良学风。对于稷下学宫的地理位置,史书虽有记载,但不甚具体,古今多有争论。稷下学宫设在齐国都城的稷门还是设在稷山下?稷门是齐城小城的南门西首门,还是小城的西门或大城的西门,是其争论的焦点。今就稷下的历史渊源、古迹遗存,作一点探寻。  相似文献   

3.
叶海涛  沈利华 《学海》2022,(4):80-85
国土空间是人类生存和发展的自然物质基础,主体功能区规划是国土空间开发保护的基础制度。主体功能区规划本质上是一种事关战略发展全局的空间生产,具有鲜明的社会政治属性。基于国土空间的公共物品属性,政府是主体功能区规划的权力主体,其权力运行应充分保障公民个人空间权利。我国主体功能区规划以满足人民日益增长的空间需求为导向,实现人口、资源、产业、环境等在国土空间格局中的合理均衡分布与可持续发展为目标,有效规避了权力与资本的共谋,有力保障了居民空间权利,彰显了国土空间开发保护中的空间生产正义、空间分配正义与空间消费正义。  相似文献   

4.
心学是一种复杂且多元多样的思想体系,心学内部诸种思想形态的演变均与社会政治 实践密切相关。明代心学家以陈白沙和王阳明为代表,建构了恕道的两种形态:因应万 物变化、一体地予以包容接纳的“平等”形态;以情为核心建构富有情谊的公共社会的 “差等”形态。这两种形态在阳明学派中以内在张力的形式存在。黄宗羲对感应与恕道 的诠释克服了这种张力,并建构了一种极具创造性的个体性伦理体系。厘清上述心学思 想的演进历程,对于开发心学思想的当代价值具有积极意义。  相似文献   

5.
乡村与城镇作为两种不同形态的存在,立于自然之间,乡村远离城市,大城市的繁华喧嚣映衬着乡村的朴质宁静。近年来,美丽乡村、乡村振兴的提出让村落重回大众的视野,乡村旅游、民宿度假更推动着乡村经济的发展和革新。全新的村落景观在大时代的背景下,逐渐变得清新美丽,以全新的面貌接受着所有人的注目。村落景观又是改善乡村环境和获得有效生态环境效益的必备因素,亦能提高农民生活质量,优质的乡村景观改善了人居环境与村落空间,调和了自然与人文景观,拓展了现代人的活动形式,休闲、娱乐、康养、度假等旅游功能不断完善。  相似文献   

6.
循流溯源述而不论──简评《临淄与齐国》徐树梓由临淄齐文化研究社刘斌同志撰著的《临淄与齐国》一书,近由山东大学出版社出版问世。全书共10章45节17万字,依齐国的历史沿革、政治、经济、军事、科技、文化、教育及民风民俗先后为序结构成篇目,而突出了齐国建本...  相似文献   

7.
随着社会发展和我国城市化建设步伐的加快,在我国大城市的核心地段,街道地下空间设计也得到了急速发展,并与传统的街道空间相结合,取得了空前的进步。贵阳在各项政策的支持下,街道地下空间的发展受到了一定的重视。不同区域的街道地下空间,在自然光线、指示标识、功能分区和城市文化等方面的配套设计都在逐渐完善。因此,了解贵阳市现有街道地下空间现状并对其未来设计提出一些见解,是有必要的。  相似文献   

8.
杨国荣 《哲学研究》2022,(6):51-61+126
通过“代表”治理社会,构成了社会治理的一般形式。在传统的君主政体下,君主既在“君权神授”的意义上“代表”形上之天,又作为政治上的最高统治者,担负着维护社会秩序和公共利益的职责。近代以来的政治形态以代议制为形式,其中包含无法摆脱的内在紧张。一方面,代议制中的各类政治人物首先以“选民”代表的形式出现,另一方面,他们又需要代表“全民”来看待和应对相关问题。在民主协商的形式下,人民成为中心,这一意义上的人民既是治理的主体,也是治理的对象。政治领域的代表性不仅涉及代表什么,而且关乎代表本身如何产生。在不同的时代和政治体制中,代表的社会性质不同,其形成的方式也各异。政治权力的正当性与代表产生的方式相关,但又呈现更为复杂的形态。代表形成之后,如何具体地实施代表性?政治领域代表的正当性一方面体现于代表产生的方式(代表如何形成),另一方面又与代表的实施方式(如何实际地代表)相关。在社会治理活动中,“如何代表”这一问题体现于不同方面,其意义也在这一过程中得到多重展示。  相似文献   

9.
人类在造物的活动中改造世界、改造自然,并在创造活动中根据具体事物的外在形态特征进行设计上的创新。不同时代与不同背景下的人类心境,在形式上表现出不同的时代与历史特征,以设计出符合当下时代潮流的产物。同样,不同的设计形态也会受到经济、政治、历史文化的影响,社会生产力作为一项重要指标也会对设计形态产生影响。我国北京的胡同作为中国传统文化元素的代表之一,在艺术形式和艺术特点上也极为鲜明。文章以四合院和胡同为例,具体分析中国传统文化在景观形态学中产生的影响。  相似文献   

10.
在存量规划背景下,现存空间用地越发显得珍贵,这也使得建筑顶面的空间利用率不断增加。基于此,城市建筑“第五立面”的形式和功能也发生了巨大变化,越来越多的功能型屋顶空间出现在人们的视线中,“第五立面”的功能形式及发展历史、未来演变趋势也逐渐成为研究重点。因此,对国内外各时期建筑“第五立面”的空间形式及功能发展历程进行对比,分析建筑“第五立面”功能的演变过程及原因,并对未来建筑“第五立面”空间和功能发展进行新的探索,使“第五立面”在未来的发展中充满更多的可能性。  相似文献   

11.
李嘎  杜汇 《管子学刊》2007,(2):112-116
青州城市建成区一带,历史时期曾经先后存在四座城市,即广县城——广固城——东阳城或南阳城——满城。广县城,西汉时期既已存在,之所以产生于下圈村一带,关键在于其地地处高阜,不宜受到洪水侵袭,且南倚含水丰富的岩层,无缺水之虞。广固城建于魏晋十六国时期,因时逢乱世,地理上重军事防御的色彩明显。由临淄城而广固城,历史时期青齐地区实现了第一次中心城市的转移,就魏晋十六国乱世而言,这一城市选择行为是相当成功的。进而论之,代广固城而兴的东、南两阳城及清代的青州满城,之所以均大体不出今天青州市区的范围,与它们均接近青齐地区几何中心的地理位置关系极大。  相似文献   

12.
Luther H. Martin 《Religion》2013,43(4):628-637
In Big Gods (2013), Ara Norenzayan argues that the rise of large-scale societies was made possible by an extension of small-scale religious prosociality, presided over (and enforced) by Big moralizing watchful Gods. While religious prosociality is, of course, a redundant characterization of any small-scale religious group, it is doubtful that its extension can account for the historical emergence of large-scale societies, nor can cooperation be explained as an effect of surveillance. Rather, the archaeological and historical record indicates that such large-scale expansions of human societies are better explained by economic factors, political power, and/or military force. Difficulties with Norenzayan's theory are explored and several alternative theories to his ‘neglect of history’ are suggested.  相似文献   

13.
14.
This paper explores relationships between basic personality profiles of voters and their political party preferences. The Italian political system has moved recently from previously extreme, ideologically distinctive parties to form complex coalitions varying around more centrist orientations. Significant evidence was found for the utility of the Five-Factor Model of Personality in distinguishing between voters' expressed preferences, even given this greater subtlety in proposed values and agendas. More than 2,000 Italian voters who self-identified as having voted for new center-left or center-right political coalitions differed systematically in predicted directions on several personality dimensions measured by the Big Five Questionnaire. In the context of the model, center-right voters displayed more Energy and slightly more Conscientiousness than center-left voters, whose dominant personality characteristics were Agreeableness (Friendliness) and Openness; Emotional Stability was unrelated to either group. This relationship between individual differences in personality and political preferences was not influenced by the demographic variables of voters' gender, age, or education. Thus, personality dimensions proved to be stronger predictors of political preference than any of these standard predictor variables. Implications are discussed regarding links among personality, persuasion, power, and politics.  相似文献   

15.
Regional proficiency is a multidimensional construct created by the Department of Defense (DoD) to characterize a person’s knowledge of a region’s social, economic, political, and linguistic features. The Regional Proficiency Assessment Tool (RPAT) was designed to capture the regional proficiency of the military workforce. The RPAT collects biographical self-report data (e.g., professional travel, language test scores) to provide military personnel with scores for each dimension of regional proficiency (e.g., study of a region, utility of language skills) for each of the different global regions. Cluster scores combine to render the overall ratings. In two studies, we provide evidence for the RPAT’s construct validity. In Study 1, 44 military participants completed the RPAT and individual difference measures. Aggregated, person-level RPAT ratings and appropriate cluster scores were moderately positively associated with cultural intelligence (.35–.47), but unrelated with self-reported cognitive styles and the Big Five personality dimensions, except for negative correlations with neuroticism. In Study 2, 11 subject matter experts rated the estimated RP of individuals by several world regions via reading narrative biographical sketches. The aggregate of the expert ratings was strongly, positively associated with the RPAT ratings (M across regions = .72), and was moderately correlated with cultural intelligence (.38–.48). This finding suggests that the RPAT provides assessments in line with the best of current practice (individual expert heuristic judgments), and that cultural intelligence assessments cannot replace the RPAT. Future research can examine the validity of the RPAT across larger samples and using different types of validation.  相似文献   

16.
Information provided by 196 U.S. history professors, indicating the degree to which they considered each of the years from 1920 to 1986 threatening to the established order and way of life in America, was pooled to form a social, economic, and political threat (SEPT) index. Interrater reliability was high, and substantial test-retest reliability was evident for a selected subsample over a 6-month period. The index significantly correlated with 11 objective indices of threat, including the suicide rate, unemployment rate, rise and fall of common stocks, and number of military men on active duty. Several studies involving threat and authoritarianism were replicated and in some instances extended with the SEPT index (McCann & Stewin, 1984; Sales, 1972, 1973). The pseudo-archival SEPT index has utility when relatively global estimates of prevailing threat are required for historiometric research testing a diversity of hypotheses gleaned from psychological, sociological, historical, and political science theories.  相似文献   

17.
Dynamic spatial ability is one's ability to estimate when a moving object will reach a destination, or one's skill in making time-to-contact (TTC) judgments. In 2 studies, we investigated the nature of dynamic spatial ability and its role in psychomotor (PM) task performance. In the first study, 405 basic military trainees were given both spatial and nonspatial versions of TTC and comparative arrival-time tasks, and we found that the spatial and nonspatial versions of the tasks were more highly correlated than the spatial tasks were to each other, suggesting that a timing, rather than a spatial, mechanism underlies performance of dynamic spatial tasks. In the second study with 376 military trainees, we found that performance on a set of PM tasks was predicted by a general working-memory (WM) Capacity factor (r = .45) and an orthogonal Temporal Processing (TP) factor (r = .55), suggesting the importance of the dynamic spatial, or of the TP factor, in many real-world activities.  相似文献   

18.
On the basis of the Berlin wisdom paradigm, we define wisdom in the military context as expert knowledge and judgment concerning in extremis military operations. We measured wisdom in the military context by asking participants to give advice to an inexperienced officer facing an in extremis operation; subsequently, we coded their responses. Data were provided by 74 senior noncommissioned officers (NCOs) in the U.S. defense forces. In support of convergent validity, wisdom in the military context was positively related to general objective wisdom and general self-assessed wisdom. Relationships of wisdom in the military context and general objective wisdom with Big Five personality characteristics were nonsignificant, whereas general self-assessed wisdom was positively related to extraversion, agreeableness, and openness to experience, and it was negatively related to neuroticism. The findings provide initial support for the validity of the new wisdom in the military context measure. We discuss several implications for future research and practice regarding wisdom in the military context.  相似文献   

19.
Psychological responses and mental health of 174 Palestinian women living in the occupied West-Bank and the Gaza Strip were studied through a stress model. Thirty-five Palestinian women living in Israel proper who had not been exposed to military occupation were interviewed as a comparison group. The stress process studied consists of women's appraisal of threat and the importance of the stressors in their lives, the estimation of their own resources to cope with stress, actual coping modes, and mental health outcomes. Women living under military occupation tended to appraise their environment as highly threatening and their experiences as strain-producing. At the same time they believed they had sufficient assets, especially collective and ideological resources, to deal with the stressors. This tendency was particularly evident among victims of political violence. Women strongly exposed to hardships of military occupation tended to employ more social and political activity and less inactive and accommodative coping modes than did less traumatized women. Exposure to stressful events, characteristic to military occupation and armed conflict, tended to deteriorate women's mental health, as indicated by severe anxiety, depression, hostile feelings and psychiatric symptoms, and also deteriorating their general health. Multiple regression analysis of the data pertaining to the stress process indicated not only the existence of objective stressors but also the appraisal of their harmfulness, the coping modes as well as vulnerability-protective factors which determine the outcomes of the stress process. A good economic situation, sufficient social support, and religious commitment functioned as protective factors in stress process, i.e., they were able to diminish the impact of exposure to stressors on women's mental health. In the case of the Palestinian women the hardships due to military occupation and national struggle initiated a different stress process than did the daily life difficulties. This indicates that in studies on psychological functioning in a political and armed conflict, the collective level of coping, values, norms, ideology as well as the concrete political aims of the society should be included in analysis and interpretation.  相似文献   

20.
There is growing interest in how genes affect political beliefs. To better understand the role of genes in politics, we examine the relationship between cognitive style (the need for cognition, the need for cognitive closure) and various measures of political attitudes (issue‐based ideology, identity‐based ideology, social ideology, economic ideology, authoritarianism, and egalitarianism). We show, for the first time, that the need for cognition and the need for cognitive closure are heritable and are linked to political ideology primarily, perhaps solely, because of shared genetic influences; these links are stronger for social than economic ideology. Although prior research demonstrated that Openness to Experience shares genetic variance with political ideology, we find that these measures of cognitive style account for distinct genetic variance in political ideology. Moreover, the genetic Openness‐ideology link is fully accounted for by the need for cognition. This combination of findings provides a clearer understanding of the role of genes in political beliefs and suggests new directions for research on Big Five personality traits and ideology.  相似文献   

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