Age differences in the recall of actions and cognitive activities: The effects of presentation rate and object cues

Summary In studies of activity memory, age differences have been found in the recall of cognitive activities (sustained mental activities that subjects solve during acquisition) but not in recall of Subject-Performed Tasks (one-step actions that subjects enact during acquisition). To understand the reasons for the discrepant findings, both types of item were included in a study examining the effects of object cues, rate of presentation, and aging. Variations in presentation rate or use of objects did not account for the different findings on the two item types. Even when presentation rate and object cues were matched, larger age differences were found for recall of cognitive activities than of SPTs. Age differences were also affected by the interaction of item type, presentation rate, and the presence of objects during encoding. To identify the variables controlling age differences, more analysis is needed of the features of activities to be remembered.     

Encoding origin of the terminal asymmetry effect in recall

Jones (1976) found that the accuracy of recall of the order in which a series of pictures was seen was dependent upon the way in which recall was cued. For the latter part of a series, sequential position was a more effective cue for the recall of the corresponding picture than the picture was for sequential position. Two experiments reported here (testing altogether 100 subjects) investigated whether this terminal asymmetry effect (TAE) arises at encoding or only at retrieval. It was found that the TAE was affected by the conditions of presentation of the series but not by the post-presentation factors studied.     

An extension of the conflict between visualization and reading

An experiment is reported which suggests that reading about a series of spatial relations and visualizing them are activities which interfere with one another. Subjects were given sentences which described a set of spatial relations. After the spatial layout described by a given sentence had been deduced, the subjects either read or listened to a final presentation of this same sentence. It was found that the modality of this final presentation influenced the speed with which the subjects performed a subsequent mental transformation of the spatial relations; the transformation was completed more slowly immediately after reading the sentence than after listening to it. This result confirms the subjects' reports that their visualization of the spatial relations was interrupted by reading the sentence, but not by listening to it. The relation between the visual and the analogical aspects of visualization is briefly discussed.     

The stimulus suffix effect as a memory coding phenomenon

Two short-term memory experiments examined the nature of the stimulus suffix effect on auditory linguistic and nonlinguistic stimulus lists. In Experiment 1, where subjects recalled eight-item digit lists, it was found that a silently articulated digit suffix had the same effect on recall for the last list item as a spoken digit suffix. In Experiment 2, subjects recalled lists of sounds made by inanimate objects either by listing the names of the objects or by ordering a set of drawings of the objects. Auditory suffixes, either another object sound or the spoken name of an object, produced a suffix effect under both recall conditions, but a visually presented picture also produced a suffix effect when subjects recalled using pictures. The results were most adequately explained by a levels-of-processing memory coding hypothesis.     

Novel labels support 10-month-olds’ attention to novel objects

What is the source of the mutual exclusivity bias whereby infants map novel labels onto novel objects? In an intermodal preferential looking task, we found that novel labels support 10-month-olds’ attention to a novel object over a familiar object. In contrast, familiar labels and a neutral phrase gradually reduced attention to a novel object. Markman (1989, 1990) argued that infants must recall the name of a familiar object to exclude it as the referent of a novel label. We argue that 10-month-olds’ attention is guided by the novelty of objects and labels rather than knowledge of the names for familiar objects. Mutual exclusivity, as a language-specific bias, might emerge from a more general constraint on attention and learning.     

The mediation of paired associate recall by representations of properties ascribed to objects in perception and imagination

Any perceived or imagined object will have various properties: for example, it may be of a particular size, shape, and colour. In this paper it is argued that when two objects are perceived or imagined to be interacting, they are likely, as a result, to have properties that may, in part, mediate paired associate recall. In Experiments 1 and 2 it was shown that if the object to be named in recall has properties that are the same as the object named by the cue, then recall is greater than when the properties differ. In Experiment 3 it was shown that if the object to be named in recall has properties that are relevant to a relation between the two objects, then recall is enhanced, as compared with conditions in which this is not the case. In discussion, it is argued that, by means similar to those operating in these experiments, a representation of properties may contribute to recall in experiments in which subjects use interactive imagery.     

Effect of varying picture-sentence congruence on children's free recall.

70 fourth-grade children were shown objects arbitrarily arranged in an integrated scene. Subjects were randomly assigned to conditions which either presented a sentence that correctly labeled and correctly described the physical arrangement of the objects, presented a sentence containing the correct labels of the objects but not the correct physical arrangement, or presented a sentence which did not contain the correct labels and incorrectly described the physical arrangement. Control conditions either provided subjects with correct labels or omitted presentation of verbal prompts. Congruence between the object display and the sentence produced significantly higher recall and clustering than the incongruence or control conditions. The incongruence conditions did not produce significantly higher recall than the control conditions, suggesting that incongruence interferes with formation of stable grouping of items which appears to be an important factor in facilitating free recall.     

On self-referencing differences in judgment and choice

Compared to judgment, choice is argued to elicit more self-referent processing and thereby produce greater subsequent recall of evaluated information. This response mode effect is shown to be dependent upon sufficient visualization to overcome the use of heuristic processing during choice. When visualizing prior to the task, choice leads to increased thinking about personal consumption occasions relative to judgment, leading to enhanced recall of vivid (vs. non-vivid) attributes. This proposed interaction of task and visualization was found in two experiments that assessed incidental recall following a choice or judgment task. In experiment 1, participants recalled more vivid product attribute information after choosing between options than after rating each option separately, but only when instructed to visualize during evaluation. To eliminate a comparison-based explanation of this effect, a second experiment was conducted that presented only one option in each category. Participants who evaluated their intention to purchase the option (a judgment equivalent of choice) demonstrated greater recall of vivid product attribute information than did participants who rated their liking for the option, and this recall difference was again moderated by instructions to visualize.     

Facilitation of free recall by categorical blocking depends on stimulus type

Items that are blocked by category are typically more memorable than unblocked items. We examined the blocking effect with different types of stimuli. In Experiment 1, subjects memorized either actual objects or the printed names of those objects. Free recall was enhanced significantly by blocking only in the printed name condition. In Experiment 2, it was demonstrated that these relationships occurred whether or not verbal labels are supplied for the stimulus items. The difference in the impact of blocking on free recall was hypothesized to reflect differences in the visual detail that characterized the stimulus items in the object and printed name conditions. To test this hypothesis, Experiment 3 was conducted, using four sets of stimulus items graded in visual detail. These were a set of objects, photographs of the objects, line drawings of the objects, and printed names of the objects. The visual detail hypothesis was supported.     

Relation between verbal recall and visual recognition of the same stimuli in young children

Five-year-old children (N = 112) were shown drawings of common objects three times either as a naming-and-learning task or as a preference task (incidental learning). A verbal recall test followed by a class- and item-recognition test, scaled to reflect the accuracy of item recognition, were given either 2 min or two weeks after presentation. Intentional learning with naming led to better immediate recall than incidental learning, but the recognition and delayed recall scores were equal for the two learning conditions. The probability of verbal recall of object names was in each case uncorrelated with the accuracy of visual recognition of the same objects by the same Ss. The results are closely similar to those obtained with adult Ss by Bahrick and Boucher (1968).     

A developmental study of relations between free recall, cued recall, and recall of incidental material

Six-, 9-, 17–19-, 45–55-, and 65-year-old subjects were shown 16 slides depicting one colored object and two uncolored context objects in a common setting, the task being to learn the names of the colored objects. Free and cued recall of both colored and context items were tested, the context objects being used as retrieval cues for the colored ones, and vice versa. The relative superiority of cued recall to free recall decreased regularly with increasing age. In the oldest subjects the level of free recall of TBR-objects was still fairly high, the level of recall of context objects being very low. The results support the hypothesis that adults encode nominally irrelevant context materials to a decreasing extent with increasing age, and that memory traces of young people in this sense are "richer", i.e., contain a greater number/variety of potential retrieval cues, than those of the elderly.     

Rehearsal strategy as a function of recall expectation

The subjects were divided into three groups with respect to their expectations concerning a recall task given after the final trial of the usual STM distractor procedure. Group 1 were told only that they would have to recall during each trial's recall interval, thus did not expect to have to recall again. Group 2 were told that they would have to recall all the words presented in the experiment at the end of the last trial, in addition to the trial-by-trial recall. Group 3 were told only that they would have to recall after all words had been presented and they sat passively through the presentation trials. In addition to their recall expectations, half of the subjects in each group received a 2-s presentation and half received a 5-s presentation interval. It was found that the length of the presentation interval had an effect on the number of words recalled at the end of all trials, but recall expectancy did not. However, expectancy did determine the rehearsal strategies of subjects and hence the serial positions from which items were recalled.     

The role of attention in the shift from orientation-dependent to orientation-invariant identification of disoriented objects

In two experiments, the naming of rotated line drawings of natural objects was examined after a training phase in which the objects were either attended or ignored. In the training phase of Experiment 1, subjects were presented with objects in a number of orientations over five repeated blocks of trials. In the center of each object, seven letters (Xs and Ts, colored red or blue) were presented in rapid succession. Half the subjects named aloud the rotated object and ignored the changing letter display (object-attend). The other half ignored the object and counted the number of red Ts, and then used this number to perform a simple multiplication (object-ignore). In the test phase, all subjects named the rotated objects. The results showed that in the first block of trials in the training phase, mean naming time in the object-attend condition increased the further an object was rotated from the upright. This effect of orientation for attended objects was much reduced in the later presentations of the test phase. In contrast, there was no such benefit of prior presentation observed for the naming of objects that had previously been ignored. Instead, a substantial orientation effect was shown for the naming of previously ignored objects, which was similar to the orientation effect observed for attended objects named in the first block. Similar results were found in Experiment 2, in which object-attend subjects in training covertly named the objects and then performed a letter count and multiplication task. In both experiments, performance on the letter count and multiplication task varied with the angle of the ignored object. The results suggest that full attentional resources must be allocated in order for orientation-invariant representations to be formed and used in the identification of rotated objects.     

Shape discriminations of three-dimensional objects depend on the number and location of bends

In three experiments, subjects made shape discriminations of three-dimensional objects differing in orientation, number of bends, and location of bends (e.g., the central arm vs. a minor subarm). In general, encoding times at 0° disparity on bothsame anddifferent trials were affected by the number of bends, but only after a certain threshold of bends in the objects had been reached (Experiment 1). This effect was not due to the subjects’ having to search for matching ends of the objects (Experiment 2). In contrast, rotation rates were influenced by the location of the bends, but not by the number of bends per se (Experiment 3). The results support a representational scheme that is hierarchical, but not necessarily one in which the principal axis of an object is paramount.     

What’s the object of object working memory in infancy? Unraveling ‘what’ and ‘how many’

Infants have a bandwidth-limited object working memory (WM) that can both individuate and identify objects in a scene, (answering ‘how many?’ or ‘what?’, respectively). Studies of infants’ WM for objects have typically looked for limits on either ‘how many’ or ‘what’, yielding different estimates of infant capacity. Infants can keep track of about three individuals (regardless of identity), but appear to be much more limited in the number of specific identities they can recall. Why are the limits on ‘how many’ and ‘what’ different? Are the limits entirely separate, do they interact, or are they simply two different aspects of the same underlying limit?We sought to unravel these limits in a series of experiments which tested 9- and 12-month-olds’ WM for object identities under varying degrees of difficulty. In a violation-of-expectation looking-time task, we hid objects one at a time behind separate screens, and then probed infants’ WM for the shape identity of the penultimate object in the sequence. We manipulated the difficulty of the task by varying both the number of objects in hiding locations and the number of means by which infants could detect a shape change to the probed object. We found that 9-month-olds’ WM for identities was limited by the number of hiding locations: when the probed object was one of two objects hidden (one in each of two locations), 9-month-olds succeeded, and they did so even though they were given only one means to detect the change. However, when the probed object was one of three objects hidden (one in each of three locations), they failed, even when they were given two means to detect the shape change. Twelve-month-olds, by contrast, succeeded at the most difficult task level.Results show that WM for ‘how many’ and for ‘what’ are not entirely separate. Individuated objects are tracked relatively cheaply. Maintaining bindings between indexed objects and identifying featural information incurs a greater attentional/memory cost. This cost reduces with development. We conclude that infant WM supports a small number of featureless object representations that index the current locations of objects. These can have featural information bound to them, but only at substantial cost.     

Recall of familiar objects and projected color photographys of objects by mentally retarded individuals of comparable mental age.

The effects of cue-availability on short-term and long-term recall of 40 mentally retarded children were investigated. Subjects were chosen on the basis of comparable mental age (approximately 90 mo.) and randomly assigned to either an objects (high cues) group or slides (low cues) group. 52 familiar objects served as stimuli for the objects group and projected color photographs of the objects were presented to the slides group. In the short-term recall session the subjects were shown stimuli grouped into eight trials and asked to recall the names of the stimuli in each trial ten seconds after presentation. Delayed recall was obtained 48 hr. later in a free recall session. The objects group scored significantly higher than the slides group on memory span (p less than .01), short-term recall (p less than .001), and delayed recall (p less than .025). The facilitation of recall achieved by using three-dimensional stimuli was clearly demonstrated, and the relative degree of facilitation was comparable for both short- and long-term recall.     

Levels of processing and memory in mentally retarded and nonretarded persons

Individual differences in memory were examined from the levels of processing perspective. Mentally retarded persons were expected to be more superficial processors. The recall of nonretarded and two IQ levels of retarded young adults was compared following the presentation of pictorial stimuli with either a shallow processing, deep processing, or control orienting task. Shallow processing was induced by directing subjects to name the colors of the pictures. In the deep processing condition, subjects were told to say what the pictured object was used for. In the control condition, they were directed to look at the pictures. The stimuli were presented as an incidental learning task. Encoding condition was a between-subjects variable. Nonretarded subjects remembered more overall than did the two retarded groups, which did not differ. At each intelligence level, more stimuli were remembered in the deep processing condition than in the shallow condition. There was no interaction of intelligence level with encoding condition. The hypothesis that retarded persons process at a more superficial level was not supported. A “spread of encoding” deficit in retarded persons is favored to explain the recall differences obtained in this experiment.     

Part-whole transfer and organization in children's and adults' multitrial free recall

The effect of age-related differnces in the use of recall organization on the amount of recall and the properties of recall-acquisition patterns obtained in a multitrial part-whole transfer task was investigated among subjects in grade levels 1, 4, 7, and college (ages 6.5, 9.6, 12.6, and 19.7 years, respectively). Half of the subjects receiving relevant and irrelevant part lists sorted stimuli before recall trials; other subjects studied the items as they were presented, one at a time. Relevant part list learning was equally facilitative for all age groups regardless of presentation condition, and despite the greater amounts of recall organization found among college subjects. All age groups showed trial-to-trial improvements in whole-list recall; however, only the college subjects showed corresponding improvements in clustering, and all age groups had high rates of fluctuation in the composition of their recall from trial to trial. It was concluded that while even the limited amounts of spontaneous recall organization found among children are sufficient to enhance recall, organization is not a necessary condition for recall improvement and not the primary means by which children throughout the preformal-operations period increase their recall of unrelated stimuli over trials in a free-recall task.     

Young children's use of temporal and spatial order information in short-term memory

Encoding and retrieval of temporal and spatial order information was investigated in the free recall and probed recognition performance of 3-, 4-, 5-, and 6-year-olds. In both tasks, three line drawings of familiar objects were presented successively in different spatial locations, so that temporal order was not confounded with spatial order. Subjects of all ages revealed an organization for the stimulus display based on the temporal sequence of presentation. With increasing age, subjects began recall more often with the first item so as to take advantage of this sequential organization. In the probed recognition task, subjects were asked questions requiring the use of temporal or spatial order information. Performance by the older subjects indicated that information about temporal and spatial order could be simultaneously encoded. The results are discussed in terms of a context theory derived from Estes's hierarchical association model.