What happens if you retest autobiographical memory 10 years on?

Burt (1992a, 1992b) reported data on the autobiographical memory of diarists for events that had occurred on average 3.3 years earlier. This paper reports data on 11 of the diarists, who were recontacted after a further 10 years and who agreed to a retest of their memory. Estimates of event date and event duration from the two recall attempts were compared. As predicted, duration estimation was extremely stable and showed no detrimental effects of the additional 10 years of retention interval. Estimation of event date was predicted to show an increase in forward telescoping due to the increased remoteness of the event sample, but, contrary to this prediction, backward telescoping dominated dating errors. A combination of the establishment of a recent boundary and Kemp's (1999) associative model of dating is proposed as an explanation for these results. It is argued that the nature of dating errors may depend on the time of the event's occurrence in the life span and the age of the individual dating the events.     

Since the eruption of Mt. St. Helens,has anyone beaten you up? Improving the accuracy of retrospective reports with landmarkevents

When people are questioned about past experiences, it is common for eventsto be reported as happening more recently than they actually did. One technique for reducing the instances of this “forward telescoping” is tested in the current research: It involves the provision of landmark events that can clearly mark the beginning of the reference period. Such atechnique was shown to reduce the telescoping problem in five experiments, involving 1, 694 subjects. The landmark event used in two of the studies was the first major eruption of Mt. St. Helens, and use of this event was shown to significantly reduce the incidence of forward telescoping of crime victimizations. Asking subjects to provide their own personal landmarks had similar beneficial effects. Finally, a more usual public landmark event, New Year’s day, substantially reduced forward telescoping. At least part, but not all, of the benefit of landmark events appears to be due to their being dated rather precisely.     

Memory for time: How people date events

The effect of different formats on the accuracy of dating news and the distribution of personal events was examined in four conditions. In the first, participants had to date events in the absolute time format (e.g., "July 2004"), and in the second, they had to date events in the relative time format (e.g., "3 weeks ago"). In the other conditions, they were asked to choose between the two formats. We found a small backward telescoping effect for recent news events and a large forward telescoping effect for remote events. Events dated in the absolute time format were more accurate than those dated in the relative time format. Furthermore, participants preferred to date news events with the relative time format and personal events with the absolute time format, as well as preferring to date remote events in the relative time format and recent events in the absolute time format.     

Reporting of life events over time: methodological issues in a longitudinal sample of women

The number of life events reported by study participants is sensitive to the method of data collection and time intervals under consideration. Individual characteristics also influence reporting; respondents with poor mental health report more life events. Much current research on life events is cross-sectional. Data from a longitudinal study of women's health from 4 waves over a decade suggest that over time additional systematic biases in reporting life events occur. Inconsistency over time is due to both fall-off of reporting and telescoping. Intracategory variability and ambiguity of items, as well as respondent characteristics, also potentially contribute to response biases. Although some factors (e.g., item wording) are controllable, others (e.g., respondents' mental health) are not and must be factored into data analysis and interpretation.     

When did Mrs Thatcher resign? The effects of ageing on the dating of public events

Two experiments investigated whether, in light of the commonly reported phenomenon of subjective time acceleration with age, there would be an effect of age on the dating of public events. In the first experiment covering the past seven years there was the suggestion of a decrease in forward telescoping with age, and in the second covering the period from 1977-89 this trend was continued, with the over-60s group now showing a tendency to date events too distantly. This effect is uncommon in dating studies and may offer evidence for the existence of time acceleration. An additional finding was that adults in the age range 35-50 years showed greater accuracy in dating events than did university students and adults over the age of 60.     

When did Mrs Thatcher resign? The effects of ageing on the dating of public events

Two experiments investigated whether, in light of the commonly reported phenomenon of subjective time acceleration with age, there would be an effect of age on the dating of public events. In the first experiment covering the past seven years there was the suggestion of a decrease in forward telescoping with age, and in the second covering the period from 1977-89 this trend was continued, with the over-60s group now showing a tendency to date events too distantly. This effect is uncommon in dating studies and may offer evidence for the existence of time acceleration. An additional finding was that adults in the age range 35-50 years showed greater accuracy in dating events than did university students and adults over the age of 60.     

Telescoping in dating naturally occurring events

Telescoping effects in date estimation were examined in four diary studies. The data show that substantial telescoping can begin as soon as 8 weeks after an event occurs. These studies also found a slight, but typically nonreliable, tendency to make time expansion errors for recent events. Analyses of these data showed that telescoping cannot be attributed to the clarity-of-memory hypothesis proposed by Bradburn, Rips, and Shevell (1987) or to an artifact produced by guessing. An implicit strategy involving estimation of the number of intervening events was proposed to account for the results.     

Telescoped trajectories from alcohol initiation to disorder in children of alcoholic parents

The current study tested whether and why children of alcoholics (COAs) showed telescoped (adolescent) drinking initiation-to-disorder trajectories as compared with non-COAs. Using longitudinal data from a community-based sample, the authors confirmed through survival analyses that COAs progressed more quickly from initial adolescent alcohol use to the onset of disorder than do matched controls. Similar risks for telescoping were evident in COAs whose parents were actively symptomatic versus those whose parents had been previously diagnosed. Stronger telescoping effects were observed for COAs whose parents showed comorbidity for either depression or antisocial personality disorder. Both greater externalizing symptoms and more frequent, heavier drinking patterns at initiation failed to explain COAs' risk for telescoping, although externalizing symptoms were a unique predictor of telescoping. This risk for telescoping was also evident for drug disorders. These findings characterize a risky course of drinking in COAs and raise important questions concerning the underlying mechanisms and consequences of telescoping in COAs.     

Response biases and the relation between negative life events and psychological symptoms

This research was an investigation of whether reporting biases can account for the correlation between negative life events (as measured via life events questionnaires) and subclinical psychological symptoms. Subjects completed two life events scales, a measure of psychological symptoms, a measure of depression, and a measure of social desirability. Friends were asked to report about life events experienced by the subjects. No evidence was found for a subject reporting bias associated with social desirability, depression, or symptoms. In fact, for one of the life events scales, depression was significantly associated with a higher rate of agreement between subjects and friends as to which negative events occurred to subjects. Moreover, there were significant correlations between symptom and depression measures and life events measures that were free of subject-reporting biases (subjects' negative life events reported by both subjects and their significant others, as well as subjects' negative life events as reported by significant others alone). These data suggest that response biases may not be able to account for the relation between negative events and psychological symptoms. Thus the hypothesis that negative life events play a significant role in symptom development remains plausible.     

Memory of elapsed time and feeling of time discrepancy

In dating past events, one sometimes recalls inaccurate dates and tends to estimate recent events too remotely and remote events too recently (telescoping). On the other hand, even when one knows the exact dates of events, subjective time could be elastic and often different from objective time. This Feeling of Time Discrepancy between objective and subjective elapsed times was examined with two autobiographical events. Results showed that (1) subjects reported a discrepancy even if the exact dates of events were known and (2) the discrepancy for entrance into university was higher than that for graduation from high school, even when they happened at almost same time. The results are discussed in terms of "location" and "distance" theories, Kemp's 1999 associative model of dating, and Conway's 2000 self-memory system. Autobiographical memory may be organized in terms of present self-concept with our past fitted to the present self-concept. However, if autobiographical memory changes greatly, we cannot share autobiographical memory with other people. We may be adapted to the present life by making only a sense of the subjective elapsed time of each event change with the accurate time information of the autobiographical facts held.     

Children dating childhood memories

How accurate are children when dating very long-term memories? Chinese and European Canadian 8-, 11-, and 14-year-olds (N=344) recalled and dated memories from before they went to school in a memory fluency task. Parents provided verification of children's memories and age estimates. Across all age and culture groups, a telescoping effect (i.e., events were dated as taking place more recently than they actually did) was found for earlier memories (before 48 months) and a reverse telescoping effect for later memories (after 48 months). Older children showed a greater tendency to telescope earlier memories and a weaker tendency to reverse telescope later memories than did younger children. Euro-Canadian children showed larger reverse telescoping than Chinese children. These are the first systematic findings concerning the accuracy of children's dating of very long-term memories. They shed new light on the phenomenon of telescoping and have implications for research on childhood amnesia.     

The interpretation of negative social events in social phobia: changes during treatment and relationship to outcome

Catastrophic interpretations of negative social events are considered to be an important factor underlying social phobia. This study investigated the extent to which these interpretative biases change during cognitive-behavioural treatment for social phobia, and examined whether within-treatment changes in different types of interpretations predict longer-term treatment outcome. Results showed that treatment was associated with decreases in various types of maladaptive interpretations of negative social events, but that social phobia symptoms 3 months after treatment were independently predicted only by within-treatment reductions in the degree to which individuals personally believed that negative social events were indicative of unfavourable self-characteristics. These findings are discussed in relation to cognitive models of the maintenance of social anxiety, and implications for treatment are considered.     

Incremental Validity of Perceived Control Dimensions in the Differential Prediction of Interpretive Biases for Threat

This study evaluated whether a diminished perception of control over environmental and interoceptive events differentially predicted interpretive biases for threat for ambiguous scenarios. The sample had 95 participants without a history of psychopathology. Results indicated that the internal dimension of the Anxiety Control Questionnaire (ACQ; R. M. Rapee, M. G. Craske, T. A. Brown, & D. H. Barlow, 1996) was predictive of interpretive biases for internal scenarios above and beyond demographic variables, subclinical panic attack history, and state anxiety; the external control subscale of the ACQ also was predictive of internal rank-ordered responses. The ACQ external dimension was predictive of interpretive responses for external scenarios beyond the effects accounted for by the other predictor variables, including perceived control for internal events. These findings provide initial correlational evidence consistent with cognitive–behavioral accounts of panic disorder that posit a perceived lack of control over aversive events may exacerbate an interpretive bias for threat.     

Characteristics of proper names and temporal memory of social news events

Long-term memory of social news events was investigated by means of a questionnaire methodology with a large sample of participants. In Experiment 1, a total of 501 university students were asked to give proper names (i.e., persons and places) that related to a certain news event, and to estimate the date of the event. The accuracy of proper names (especially person names) was superior to that of estimated date (i.e., year). In addition, telescoping effects were found in the events that occurred more than 3 years ago, but time expansion effects emerged in the events that occurred less than 2 years ago. In Experiment 2, in which 182 students participated, the accuracy of proper names and the date estimates tended to be high on the events that participants judged to be given frequent exposure by the mass media. Based on these results, we discuss long-term memory and temporal schemata regarding social news events.     

The role of age and prior beliefs in contingency judgment

This experiment investigated how prior beliefs affect young and older adults' ability to detect differences in objective contingency. Participants received new evidence that the objective contingency between two events was positive, negative, or zero when they believed that there was a positive or negative relationship between events, when they believed that the events were unrelated, and when they had no knowledge of the relationship between the events. They were then asked to estimate the objective contingency and recall the contingency evidence. Beliefs that events were or could be related improved young adults' contingency discrimination. Moreover, these beliefs did not produce biases in young adults' memory for the contingency evidence, but rather affected how they weighted this evidence at judgment. In contrast, these same beliefs did not improve older adults' contingency discrimination, but did produce biases in their memory for the evidence that were similar to those seen in their judgment. These findings are discussed in terms of age-related changes in working memory executive processes that impair older adults' ability to fully evaluate both belief-confirming and disconfirming contingency evidence and update their beliefs with this information.     

Characteristics of proper names and temporal memory of social news events

Long-term memory of social news events was investigated by means of a questionnaire methodology with a large sample of participants. In Experiment 1, a total of 501 university students were asked to give proper names (i.e., persons and places) that related to a certain news event, and to estimate the date of the event. The accuracy of proper names (especially person names) was superior to that of estimated date (i.e., year). In addition, telescoping effects were found in the events that occurred more than 3 years ago, but time expansion effects emerged in the events that occurred less than 2 years ago. In Experiment 2, in which 182 students participated, the accuracy of proper names and the date estimates tended to be high on the events that participants judged to be given frequent exposure by the mass media. Based on these results, we discuss long-term memory and temporal schemata regarding social news events.     

自尊与自我服务偏好的关系述评

 传统研究认为,自尊与自我服务偏好正相关,高自尊者比低自尊者有更强的自我服务偏好。但越来越多的研究对此结论提出了挑战,这些研究主要涉及两个问题：（1）是否只有高自尊者才有自我服务偏好？（2）是否凡高自尊者就有自我服务偏好？文章最后指出未来研究应该对这两个问题进行更深入和更细致的研究比如何种自尊者才有自我服务偏好、自我服务偏好是否只是一种策略及其利弊等     

Comparative Optimism and Event Skewness

Comparative judgment biases—wherein a majority of people report being above‐ or below‐average in their abilities, traits, or future events—are a robust phenomenon in psychology. A recent explanation for these biases has focused on people's awareness that many comparative judgment domains form skewed distributions, and, hence, a majority of people can feasibly be above or below average. Indeed, this prior research found that comparative biases for abilities emerged more for skewed (vs. normal) distributions. In the current research, we attempted to (i) conceptually replicate this finding in a comparative likelihood context and (ii) provide evidence of an alternative explanation for the prior results. Replicating prior research, three correlational studies and one experimental study found that event skewness was related to direct comparative likelihood judgments for health events, such that comparative optimism emerged more for events judged or manipulated to come from positively skewed distributions than from negatively skewed distributions. However, event skewness was unrelated to indirect comparisons (absolute self minus absolute other). Moreover, consistent with an egocentric‐processes account, absolute self‐judgments were more predictive of direct comparisons than were absolute other judgments and showed the same association with event skewness as direct comparisons. Implications for explaining and interpreting comparative judgment biases are discussed. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

"How long will I suffer?" versus "How long will you suffer?" A self-other effect in affective forecasting

This research presents evidence that people predict longer durations of negative affect for others than for themselves. It is argued that this self-other effect is based on the asymmetric availability of knowledge about psychological strategies that reduce negative affective experiences. Specifically, because people have available knowledge about their own coping strategies, they use this information when making predictions about their affect. The lack of information about others' coping strategies leads to longer predictions of affect duration for others, creating the self-other effect. A series of studies demonstrated this self-other effect, its source, and its boundary conditions. Specifically, the self-other effect occurred for negative but not for positive events, it was stronger when participants predicted affect duration for unfamiliar others than when participants predicted affect duration for familiar others, and the impact of the self versus other focus on affective forecasts was mediated by the availability of knowledge about coping strategies. In addition, alternative explanations for the self-other effect were ruled out. The implications for biases in affective forecasting are discussed.     

Telescoping is not time compression: A model

A model of telescoping is proposed that assumes no systematic errors in dating. Rather, the overestimation of recent occurrences of events is based on the combination of three factors: (1) Retention is greater for recent events; (2) errors in dating, though unbiased, increase linearly with the time since the dated event; and (3) intrusions often occur from events outside the period being asked about, but such intrusions do not come from events that have not yet occurred. In Experiment 1, we found that recall for colloquia fell markedly over a 2-year interval, the magnitude of errors in psychologists' dating of the colloquia increased at a rate of .4 days per day of delay, and the direction of the dating error was toward the middle of the interval. In Experiment 2, the model used the retention function and dating errors from the first study to predict the distribution of the actual dates of colloquia recalled as being within a 5-month period. In Experiment 3, the findings of the first study were replicated with colloquia given by, instead of for, the subjects.