网络语言的创造性加工过程:新颖N400与LPC

采用事件相关电位(ERP)技术比较在语义违反范式下网络语言和标准汉语的语义加工差异。结果发现:(1)不管是网络语言还是标准汉语,相对于语义一致条件,语义不一致条件在400 ms诱发了一个更负的负成分,但网络语言的经典N400差异波具有更晚的潜伏期和更长的持续时间;(2)溯源结果发现,网络语言和标准汉语的经典N400差异波的早期和晚期的定位均分别定位于丘脑和前扣带回,表明N400延迟效应是由个体对网络语言相对低的流利度所致,反映了认知冲突的延续;(3)在语义一致性条件下,网络语言比标准汉语诱发了一个更负的新颖N400和一个更正的晚期正成分(LPC),分别定位于前扣带回和海马,二者分别反映了新颖网络含义的识别以及新颖语义信息的整合与新颖语义联结的形成。ERP结果支持了网络语言加工属于创造性思维过程。     

认知控制脑电成分N450的特征与心理功能

N450是潜伏期约为350-500毫秒的事件相关电位负波,是反映认知控制的一种重要电生理指标。N450对深入了解认知冲突干扰效应及开展相关临床研究具有重要的方法学意义。目前研究通过多种实验干扰任务,从冲突加工性质、阶段对其所反映的心理功能进行了探讨,同时对N450的临床应用和个体差异进行了探索,但仍存在较大争议。未来研究应通过使用更适合的分离性实验范式与其他技术手段相结合继续探究N450的心理功能,深化相关理论内涵与扩展应用研究。     

汉英语义通达过程的事件相关电位研究

采用事件相关电位(ERP)技术对双语表征进行了探索。实验考察了句末词呈现之后500ms内英汉两种语言的语言内和语言间语义整合在语义一致和语义不一致两种条件下的P190和N400的潜伏期和波幅。结果显示,P190具有语言的形式加工效应,这种效应在汉英两种语言加工中有明显差异;而N400具有语义加工效应,汉英两种语言的N400模式相同。结果表明双话者两种语言的形态是分别表征的,而语义是共同表征的。     

汉字识别的时间进程：来自字谜任务的ERP证据

通过“学习-测试-判断”的三阶段实验范型, 采用事件相关电位（ERP）技术探讨了猜谜任务中对谜底答案（单个汉字）识别的脑内时程动态变化。结果发现：语义识别与字形识别下,汉字刺激均诱发了明显的N1、P2和N2成分,其中语义识别下的P2波幅表现为更加正性,可能与汉字语义的早期加工有关;随后,300-400ms内,语义识别比字形识别诱发了一个更加正性的ERP成分,该成分可能属于P300成分,反映了对汉字语义的进一步整合加工;最后,500-600ms内,语义识别比字形识别同样诱发了一个更加正性的ERP成分,可能反     

认知灵活性对非熟练双语者语言转换的影响--一项ERPs研究*

采用 WCST 筛选出高低认知灵活性的非熟练汉英双语者,分别使用图片命名和语义范畴判断任务考察认知灵活性对双语者语言转换的影响。结果发现：(1)高认知灵活性被试的双语转换代价是对称的,其N2成分的平均波幅和峰值显著大于低认知灵活性被试,低认知灵活性被试的转换代价是非对称的;(2)高认知灵活性被试在语言产生任务中, L2重复条件下N2的峰值显著大于L1重复条件,出现L2重复优势效应;(3)在语言理解任务中,高低认知灵活性被试在L1重复条件下的N2峰值显著大于L2重复条件,两组均出现了L1重复优势效应。研究表明,抑制控制能力在语言产生与理解的双语转换中起着重要的作用,语言转换代价源于心理词典的字词识别系统之外。     

再探猜谜作业中“顿悟”的ERP效应

采用事件相关电位(ERP)技术探讨顿悟问题（字谜）解决中提供答案后的脑内时程动态变化。结果发现,在250~400 ms内,“有顿悟”和“不理解”比“无顿悟”的ERP波形均有一个更为负向的偏移。在“有顿悟—无顿悟”和“不理解—无顿悟”的差异波中,这个负成分的潜伏期约为320 ms (N320),地形图显示,N320在中后部活动最强。进一步对“有顿悟—无顿悟”差异波作偶极子溯源分析,发现N320主要起源于扣带前回（ACC）附近。这似乎表明,N320可能反映了提供答案瞬间新旧思路之间的认知冲突,但是却不能真正揭示顿悟问题解决中思维定势的成功突破以及“恍然大悟”所对应的独特脑内时程变化     

多动症儿童的智力水平、行为与认知事件相关电位的研究

通过对多动症 (MBD)儿童的智力、行为和认知事件相关电位的分析研究,发现多动症儿童的智力水平正常但均数都低于正常儿童,行为问题的检出率和行为量表指数高于一般正常儿童,反映大脑认知功能的事件相关电位的N2、P3的潜伏期较之正常儿童组均延长,且差异均达到显著性水平。     

科学语言的认知神经加工机制研究:来自ERP的证据

本研究采用尾词范式,使用ERP技术,对比分析了科学语言(隐喻和直义)与日常语言诱发的N400和LPC平均波幅和激活脑区的异同,从而探讨了科学语言认知加工机制的神经特异性。实验结果表明,与日常语言相比,在科学语言认知加工过程中,语义检索和提取难度更大,顶叶区尤其是右顶叶区的激活程度最为显著,左右脑都发挥了重要作用。此外,科学隐喻的相关研究发现支持隐喻加工的意义显性度假说,科学语言特有的复杂性和抽象性降低了语言表达的显性度,并且对后期的语义整合阶段产生影响。     

字词再认的事件相关电位

Ｎ（４００）是一个与字词再认密切相关的事件相关电位成分．它可由多种语言或非语言材料引出．其波幅在头皮上分布具有明显的不对称性（右侧波幅大于左侧）。其心理学意义可能反映了词汇到达后选择适当语义的过程。目前,Ｎ（４００）已被用于对某些精神疾患进行研究。     

9～11岁儿童形式运思能力发展的ERP研究

关于儿童认知发展的静息电位研究支持儿童发展的连续性与阶段性的统一,但诱发电位研究没能提供类似的证据,可能因为以往研究采用的oddball任务不够敏感.本研究通过改编形式运思任务来继续深入探讨儿童认知发展与大脑发育的关系.31名儿童(9岁组11人.10岁组10人,11岁组10人)完成形式运思任务,并同时记录脑电.结果发现:随着年龄增长,反应时逐渐缩短,正确率逐渐增高;三组儿童中,10岁组N380波幅最低,10岁组350-400毫秒的电位图较其他两组更为弥散.     

Comparison of brain mechanisms underlying the processing of Chinese characters and pseudo-characters: an event-related potential study

Most Chinese characters are composed of a semantic radical on the left and a phonetic radical on the right. The semantic radical provides the semantic information; the phonetic radical provides information concerning the pronunciation of the whole character. The pseudo‐characters in the study consisted of different sub‐lexical parts of real Chinese characters and consequently they also had the semantic radical and the phonetic radical. But they were not readable and had no actual meaning. In order to investigate the spatiotemporal cortical activation patterns underlying the orthographic, phonological and semantic processing of Chinese characters, we used event‐related brain potentials (ERPs) to explore the processing of Chinese characters and pseudo‐characters when 14 healthy Chinese college students viewed the characters passively. Results showed that both Chinese characters and pseudo‐characters elicited an evident negative potential peaking around 120 ms (N120), which appeared to reflect initial orthographic distinction and evaluation. Then, Chinese pseudo‐characters elicited a more positive ERP deflection (P220) than did Chinese characters 200–250 ms after onset of the stimuli. It was similar to the recognition potential (RP) and might reflect the integration processes of phonological and semantic processing on the basis of early orthographic information. Dipole source analysis of the difference wave (pseudo‐characters minus characters) indicated that a generator localized in the left temporal‐occipital junction contributed to this effect, which was possibly related to phonological and perceptual–semantic information integration. Between 350–450 ms, a greater negativity (N360) in pseudo‐characters as compared to characters was found over midline fronto‐central scalp regions. Dipole analysis localized the generator of N360 in the right parahippocampal cortex. Therefore, the N360 might be an N400 component and reflect the higher‐level semantic activation on the basis of orthographic, phonological and perceptual–semantic processing.     

Lexical integration: Sequential effects of syntactic and semantic information

Both semantic and syntactic context constraints can influence word processing at the level of lexical integration. In event-related brain potentials (ERPs), semantic integration is reflected by a negativity around 400 msec (N400), whereas phrase structure assignment and syntactic integration are assumed to be reflected by an early left anterior negativity and a late positivity (P600), respectively. An ERP study is presented in which participants read different types of sentences whose terminal verb was either congruent with the preceding context or incongruent due to a phrase structure violation, a semantic violation, or both. The main finding was that only the pure semantic violation condition, but not the combined semantic and syntactic violation condition, elicited a large N400. The two conditions containing phrase structure violations were predominantly characterized by a P600. Both semantic violation conditions, moreover, displayed a late negativity around 700 msec that overlapped with the P600 in the double violation condition. The absence of an N400 effect for elements that are syntactically as well as semantically incongruent with prior context suggests an early influence of phrase structure information on processes of lexical-semantic integration. The present data are discussed in comparison to previous ERP findings, and a new view of lexical integration processes is proposed.     

形旁和声旁在形声字识别中的作用

形声字是由表示意义范畴的义符(形旁)和表示发音信息的声符(声旁)组合而成, 以往研究虽然肯定了声旁在形声字加工中的作用, 但对形旁的作用仍存在一定争议。结合行为和脑电技术, 采用汉字判断任务, 以形旁和声旁均为独体字的形声字作为实验材料, 通过操纵形旁频率和声旁频率, 本研究进一步探讨了形旁和声旁在形声字识别中的作用。行为结果(实验1)发现形旁频率并未引发反应时和错误率上的显著变化, 而声旁频率在反应时和错误率上均产生了显著的效应, 相对于低频声旁, 高频声旁条件下的反应时更长、错误率更高。脑电结果(实验2)发现, 相对于低频形旁, 高频形旁在前脑区引发了一个波幅更小的N400; 而声旁频率不仅可以在全部脑区引发N400的变化, 同时在左脑的前、中脑区引发了P200的变化。相对于低频声旁, 高频声旁所引发的P200波幅更小, N400波幅更大。两实验结果说明, 在形声字识别中, 形旁和声旁均可以产生作用, 但形旁的激活时间要晚于声旁, 且作用相对较弱。     

语义整合的早期加工:来自ERPs的证据

本研究借助ERPs技术,通过操纵关键词与当前语境的语义合理性关系,考察在严格限定关键词词频变异性的情况下,语义整合过程能否反映在P2效应上。ERPs结果发现关键词呈现后,语义合理相比违背条件在右侧脑区诱发了更大的P2成分。该结果支持如果关键词低水平的变量信息(词频等)得到适当控制,ERPs技术可以检测到发生在250ms以前的语义整合过程。     

识别电位认知功能探析

识别电位(Recognition Potential, RP)是被试看到可识别视觉刺激时, 在200~250ms内达到峰值的脑电反应。识别电位的研究正处于理论探讨阶段, 有两种主要观点用于解释RP。一种观点强调RP反映了视知觉分析成分; 另一种观点强调RP反映了语义或概念加工成分。两种观点至今未达成一致。最近, 针对两种观点质疑, 研究者们提出了类别特征加工的观点, 这一新观点在理论上符合大脑经济性的原则, 具有一定的优越性, 但尚需要更多的实证研究的支持。未来的RP研究应从实验材料的多样化、多研究方法结合、类别特征加工能力的习得机制等方面展开。     

Graded aspects of morphological processing: task and processing time

Effects on targets of orthographically (O) and semantically (S) related primes were compared with morphologically related (M) primes in the lexical decision, naming, and go/no go naming tasks. The overall pattern typified the graded nature of morphological processing. Morphological relatedness produced facilitation whose magnitude varied across a range of stimulus onset asynchronies (SOAs of 66-300 ms) and tasks. The effect of semantic and orthographic similarity also depended on SOA and on task. Importantly, the effects of morphological relatedness and orthographic similarity diverged along a time course that reflected semantic processing but could only be approximated by the effect of semantic relatedness between prime and target.     

Sounds, words, sentences: age-related changes across levels of language processing

Age-related changes in sensory, lexical, and sentence processing were examined and compared using event-related potentials (ERPs) recorded as young and elderly participants listened to natural speech for comprehension. Lexically associated and unassociated word pairs were embedded in meaningful or syntactically legal but meaningless sentences. Early, general sensory, and attention-related responses (N1, P2) were delayed by about 25 ms for older participants, but later components indexing semantic processing (N400) were not delayed. There were no differences in the size, timing, or distribution of lexical associative effects for the two groups. In contrast, message-level context effects were delayed by more than 200 ms in the elderly group. The results support models that posit age-related changes primarily in higher order language processes.     

N200, N250r, and N400 event-related brain potentials reveal three loci of repetition priming for familiar names

The authors assessed immediate repetition effects on event-related potentials (ERPs) while participants performed familiarity decisions for written personal names. For immediately repeated familiar names, the authors observed 3 distinct ERP modulations. At 180-220 ms, a posterior N200 effect occurred for names preceded by same-font primes only. In addition, an increased left temporal negativity (N250r, 220-300 ms) and a reduced central-parietal negativity (N400, 300-400 ms) were seen both for same-font and different-font repetitions. In a 2nd experiment, when names were preceded by either their corresponding face or the face of a different celebrity, only the N400 effect was preserved. These findings suggest that the N200, N250r, and N400 effects reflect facilitated processing at font-specific featural, lexical, and semantic levels of processing, respectively.     

词汇加工初期语义属性的激活程度:来自ERP的证据

运用事件相关脑电位（ERP）技术,采用快速掩蔽启动范式和Go/Nogo范式,探讨汉语重复启动和语义相关启动中语义激活程度的差异和特点。实验中要求被试执行一个额外的语义判断任务,对关键刺激不做明显的行为反应。结果发现,在重复启动条件下获得了稳定的N400效应,语义相关启动条件下没有N400效应;重复启动和语义相关启动条件均未产生N250效应。在较短的SOA条件下,词频对语义的激活和加工不产生影响。