语法语境下汉语名动分离的ERP研究

运用ERP技术,从语法角度,通过词语搭配判断任务,考察汉语名词和动词加工的脑神经机制。实验结果显示,在适合的语法语境中,名词、动词和动名兼类词所诱发出ERP差异主要反应在P200、N400和P600三个ERP成分上。在正确的语境中,名词诱发出更大的P200,而动词则诱发出比名词更大的N400和减小的P600;当动名兼类词分别用作名词和动词时,虽然二者的N400没有显著差异,但前者诱发出一个增大的P600。根据实验结果认为：汉语名词和动词具有不同的神经表征和加工机制,名词和动词的语法功能在汉语名动分离中起了重要的作用     

汉语名-动兼类效应的神经机制研究

文章运用ERP技术,考察了汉语名-动兼类词在语法语境下的脑神经机制。实验结果显示,名-动兼类词与非兼类的名词和动词所诱发的P600成分没有显著差异,只有在动词语境下,名-动兼类词才在额区和中央区诱发出一个更小的N400成分;与动词语境中的名-动兼类词相比,名词语境中的名-动兼类词诱发出更大的P600成分,这与非兼类名词、动词相互分离的神经机制相同。根据实验结果认为,与相应的非兼类名词和动词相比,从语法角度划分的汉语名-动兼类词没有特异的脑神经机制。     

母语者与二语者屈折词和派生词语素加工的差异

语素是构成词汇的最小功能单位,是能够表达独立语义的最小成分。语素加工是指基于一定的构词规则,将语素复杂词汇进一步分解为多个语素,通过加工和重组语素,建构起对整词意义的理解。有关英语语素加工的研究发现,不仅母语者和二双语者的加工模式存在很大差异,对于屈折和派生这两种英语中重要的语素复杂词汇,其加工模式也存在较大差异,本文重点讨论了英语母语者与英语二语者对屈折和派生词加工模式的差异、成因以及影响因素。最后提出了今后需要进一步研究的问题。     

外语焦虑、紧张情绪与认知负荷对外语说谎的影响：来自中-英双语者的证据

采用错误陈述范式探究中-英双语者用母语和外语说真话和说谎时的认知神经差异, 涉及外语焦虑、认知负荷和说谎诱发的紧张情绪。对P200和CNV观察发现：(1)中-英双语者用英语说真话的P200波幅比用母语大, 说明被试用英语说话时受外语焦虑情绪影响; (2)中-英双语者用英语说谎与说真话的P200波幅无显著差异, 但用母语说谎和讲真话的P200波幅差异显著, 说明被试用外语说谎没有用母语说谎诱发的紧张情绪大; (3)中-英双语者说谎时的CNV波幅比说真话时大, 说明被试说谎比说真话的认知负荷更大; (4)中-英双语者用英语说谎时的CNV波幅比用汉语说谎时大, 说明被试用外语说谎比用母语说谎产生了更大的认知负荷。相关分析表明, 英语熟练程度是影响中-英双语者用母语和外语说谎时的认知神经差异的重要变量。     

英汉双语者二语口语产生中音韵编码过程的同化机制

本研究运用事件相关电位技术, 结合时空微态分割分析法, 考察英汉双语者二语口语产生过程中音韵编码过程的同化与顺应机制。研究中采用图词干扰即时命名任务, 比较英汉双语者的汉语产生过程中音韵编码的加工单元与汉语母语者的汉语产生过程还是与英语母语者的英语产生过程的特点类似。反应时结果发现汉汉组、英汉组与英英组都出现显著的音节效应。事件相关电位的结果发现英汉双语者的汉语产生过程中出现了音素效应, 与其英语产生过程的特点类似, 音素效应在英语和汉语的产生过程中都出现在图画呈现后的200~250 ms之间, 而汉语母语者的汉语产生过程中仅发现了音节效应, 出现在250~300 ms之间。时空微态分割分析发现英汉双语者在汉语产生的音韵编码过程与英语母语者在英语产生过程所对应的脑电微态成分相同, 仅在持续时间上存在显著差异; 其微态成分不同于汉语母语者的汉语产生过程。上述结果表明英汉双语者汉语产生的音韵编码过程与英语作为母语时的产生过程相似, 而与汉语作为母语时的产生过程不同。英汉双语者的汉语产生过程采用了母语同化机制。     

身体活动与心理活动动词加工的ERP比较

在19名右利手被试完成词汇判断任务的同时,通过119个头皮电极记录其事件相关电位（ERP）,以此来探讨表示身体活动的动词与表示心理活动的动词之间的加工差异。研究结果表明,在200~300ms时窗,在左半球枕区附近,身体活动动词所诱发的ERP比心理活动动词所诱发的ERP在正走向上更小。在300~400ms（即类似的N400）时窗,动词类型效应出现在中线和左半球的更大的区域上,特别是中央区附近,身体活动动词所诱发的ERP比心理活动动词所诱发的ERP在负走向上更大。语言表征的神经生物学理论可以解释本研究的部分结果。     

晚期汉-英二语者英语被动句句法加工的ERP研究*

选取二语中等熟练者和高熟练者两类中国大学生被试,共40人(27女,13男),年龄为20~29岁,平均年龄23.88岁。采用ERP技术,以直译型英语被动句和意译型英语被动句作为实验材料,通过比较无违例、―句法违例句1‖(动词过去分词形式错误)、―句法违例句2‖(动词过去分词错误用为动词原形而造成的句法违例)以及―句法违例句3‖(动词过去分词误用为动词现在分词形式)条件下的行为数据和ERP多维数据变化的基础上,探讨了二语熟练度和语言间句法结构相似性对汉-英双语者英语被动句句法加工过程的影响。结果表明：高熟练者的反应时和正确率整体上优于中等熟练者;难易度不同的句法错误信息会直接影响被动句的加工,对明显有错误的句法信息的反应速度最快,―正确的局部句法信息‖反应时最长。对明显有错误的句法信息的正确反应率最高,最根本的句法结构的错误信息最低。最根本的句法结构的错误信息引发的P600最大,无违例条件引发的P600最小;高熟练者对最根本的句法结构的错误信息引发最大的P600效应,中等熟练者的P600效应未受不同句法错误信息的影响。行为指标支持句法加工相似性效应——直译句反应快、正确率高;意译句反应慢、正确率低。并且此效应在中等熟练者身上表现更加明显。但是脑神经活动模式未表现出句法结构相似性效应,说明二语熟练度在英语被动句加工中具有更为显著的作用。     

范畴三段论推理中信念偏差效应的ERP研究

以具体范畴三段论作为实验材料,探讨了推理过程中信念偏差效应的脑内时程动态变化。结果发现:有效式下,信念抑制和信念促进诱发的ERP波形趋于一致。无效式下,与基线任务相比,信念抑制和信念促进在300-500ms和1000-1600ms诱发了更正的ERP成分,可能反映了该推理不同的加工阶段,同时,300-600ms内,在大脑额中部信念抑制比信念促进诱发一个更正的ERP成分(P480),可能反映了关系整合阶段对自动激活的知识信念的抑制。     

不同英语水平学习者英语派生词和屈折词记忆加工差异

中等水平和高级水平英语学习者对以视觉、听觉和视听觉混合方式呈现的派生词和规则变化屈折词的自由回忆成绩表明,他们对这两种多词素词的识别加工存在词素自动分解过程,但比较而言对屈折词的分解加工倾向更大一些。和中等水平学习者相比,高级水平学习者发展有更强的屈折词或派生词构词意识。     

测谎中反馈加工的认知神经机制：一项ERP研究

在一个模拟“杀人——侦探”游戏情境中,被试先完成模拟杀人任务,在随后的测谎阶段使用有反馈的ERP测谎范式,以反馈的形式告知被试测谎结果（“+0.5”或“-2”,分别代表“撒谎逃过检测”或“撒谎被发现”）时的脑内时程动态变化。结果发现,在反馈出现后的200～300ms时间段,表示“撒谎被抓住”比“撒谎逃过检测”的反馈信息诱发了一个更正性的ERP成分（P200-300）,在300～400ms时间段,两种反馈诱发的ERP成分（P300）没有差异,而在450～500ms时间段, “撒谎逃过检测”比“撒谎被抓住”的反馈信息诱发了一个更负性的ERP成分（N500）,负性反馈没有诱发FRN。这些结果表明：P200-300、P300和N500都是与加工测谎结果信息有关的ERP成分。P200-300可能对测谎结果的效价（正性或负性）敏感;P300可能反映被试对测谎结果主观意义大小的评价;而N500可能反映测谎结果所导致的大脑皮层兴奋程度。     

The past and future of the past tense

What is the interaction between storage and computation in language processing? What is the psychological status of grammatical rules? What are the relative strengths of connectionist and symbolic models of cognition? How are the components of language implemented in the brain? The English past tense has served as an arena for debates on these issues. We defend the theory that irregular past-tense forms are stored in the lexicon, a division of declarative memory, whereas regular forms can be computed by a concatenation rule, which requires the procedural system. Irregulars have the psychological, linguistic and neuropsychological signatures of lexical memory, whereas regulars often have the signatures of grammatical processing. Furthermore, because regular inflection is rule-driven, speakers can apply it whenever memory fails.     

The role of meaning in past-tense inflection: evidence from polysemy and denominal derivation

Although English verbs can be either regular (walk-walked) or irregular (sing-sang), "denominal verbs" that are derived from nouns, such as the use of the verb ring derived from the noun a ring, take the regular form even if they are homophonous with an existing irregular verb: The soldiers ringed the city rather than *The soldiers rang the city. Is this regularization due to a semantic difference from the usual verb, or is it due to the application of the default rule, namely VERB+ -ed suffix? In Experiment 1, participants rated the semantic similarity of the extended senses of polysemous verbs and denominal verbs to their central senses. Experiment 2 examined the acceptability of the regular and irregular past tenses of the different verbs. The results showed that all the denominal verbs were rated as more acceptable for the regular inflection than the same verbs used polysemously, even though the two were semantically equally similar to the central meaning. Thus, the derivation of the verb (nominal or verbal) determined the past-tense preference more than semantic variables, consistent with dual-route models of verb inflection.     

Can word formation be understood or understanded by semantics alone?

Arguments concerning the relative role of semantic and grammatical factors in word formation have proven to be a wedge issue in current debates over the nature of linguistic representation and processing. In the present paper, we re-examine claims by Ramscar [Ramscar, M. (2002). The role of meaning in inflection: Why the past tense does not require a rule. Cognitive Psychology, 45, 45-94.] that it is semantic rather than grammatical factors that influence the choice of regular or irregular past tense forms for English verbs. In Experiment 1, we first replicated Ramscar's (2002) experiment, which showed semantic influences on choice of past tense inflection. A novel verb, splink, was introduced in a semantic context that was reminiscent of an existing regular or irregular rhyme verb: blink or drink. Participants favored the past tense form (splinked or splank) that matched that of the semantically similar verb. In Experiment 2, we introduced novel verbs in a context suggesting that they were grammatically derived from nouns (i.e., denominals). Some current symbolic processing models propose that regular past tense forms should be preferred for such forms. When Ramscar's (2002) original contexts for derivational verbs were re-tested in this condition, we replicated his failure to find a preference for regular past tense forms. However, when the contexts were modified to make the grammatical process more salient, we did find a preference for regular past tense forms, suggesting that the derivational status might have been ambiguous in the original materials. In Experiment 3, we tested whether acceptability ratings for regular or irregular past tense forms of grammatically derived verbs could be explained by semantic distance metrics or by ratings of noun-to-verb derivational status. Ratings of semantic distance and grammatical derivation were orthogonal factors in Experiment 3. Only derivational status predicted acceptability ratings for regular past tense forms. Taken together, the present results suggest that semantic factors do not explain the regularization of irregular verbs in derivational contexts, although semantic factors can affect the choice of past tense forms in certain circumstances.     

The role of meaning in inflection: why the past tense does not require a rule

How do we produce the past tenses of verbs? For the last 20 years this question has been the focal domain for conflicting theories of language, knowledge representation, and cognitive processing. On one side of the debate have been similarity-based or single-route approaches that propose that all past tenses are formed simply through phonological analogies to existing past tenses stored in memory. On the other side of the debate are rule-based or dual-route approaches which agree that phonological analogy is important for producing irregular past tenses (e.g., think-->thought), but argue that regular past tenses (e.g., walk-->walked) are generated via a +ed rule and that a principled account of regular inflection can only be given by recourse to explicit rules. This debate has become a crucial battleground for arguments concerning the necessity and importance of abstract mental rules, embracing not only language processing, but also the of nature cognition itself. However, in centering on the roles of phonological similarity and rules, the past tense debate has largely ignored the possible role of semantics in determining inflection. This paper presents five studies that demonstrate a striking and decisive role of semantic similarity in inflection. In fact, semantic factors appear to be more important in inflection than the grammatical considerations put forward by the dual-route account. Further, these new findings provide a new way of discriminating between the claims of single-route (similarity-based) and dual-route (rule-based) approaches. It appears that inflection is carried out through analogical reminding based on semantic and phonological similarity and that a rule-based route is not necessary to account for past tense inflection.     

Memory effects in syntactic ERP tasks

The study presented here investigated the role of memory in normal sentence processing by looking at ERP effects to normal sentences and sentences containing grammatical violations. Sentences where the critical word was in the middle of the sentence were compared to sentences where the critical word always occurred in sentence-final position. Grammaticality judgments were required at the end of the sentence. While the violations in both conditions result in the expected increase in the P600 component (reflecting the fact that the syntactic violation is being processed), the sentences with the sentence-medial critical word also result in a late frontal negativity effect. It is hypothesized that this effect is due to greater memory requirements that are needed to keep the violation in mind until a response can be made at the end of the sentence. The maintenance of the decision that a sentence is ungrammatical must be kept in memory longer for sentence-medial violations as opposed to when the violation occurs at the end of the sentence (immediately preceding the moment at which the judgment can be made).     

汉、英句法结构相似性与第二语言的熟练度对第二语言句法加工的影响

采用事件相关电位（ERP）技术,考察了汉、英句法结构相似性与第二语言（英语）熟练度对第二语言句法加工的影响。实验材料包含与汉语句法结构相似和不同的两种英语句法结构违反的句子。结果发现：与正确句子相比,相似句法违反句在高熟练组被试中,引发正向的ERP波形偏转（150-800ms）,而在低熟练组被试中,只引发了降低的N400（300-550ms）效应;对于不同句法违反句,无论高低熟悉程度的被试,均未出现显著的ERP效应。研究结果表明,第二语言句法与母语的相似性越高,加工起来更容易;第二语言熟练度水平对第二语言句法加工具有一定的促进作用,但受到两种语言句法结构相似性的影响,相似性越高,熟练度的促进作用越大。     

Rules or connections in past-tense inflections: what does the evidence rule out?

Pinker and colleagues propose two mechanisms - a rule system and a lexical memory - to form past tenses and other inflections. They predict that children's acquisition of the regular inflection is sudden; that the regular inflection applies uniformly regardless of phonological, semantic or other factors; and that the rule system is separably vulnerable to disruption. A connectionist account makes the opposite predictions. Pinker has taken existing evidence as support for his theory, but the review of the evidence presented here contradicts this assessment. Instead, it supports all three connectionist predictions: gradual acquisition of the past tense inflection; graded sensitivity to phonological and semantic content; and a single, integrated mechanism for regular and irregular forms, dependent jointly on phonology and semantics.     

The crucial role of tense for verb production

The case of an aphasic patient whose spontaneous speech contains very few lexical verbs is reported. Instead of sentences with lexical verbs, the patient produces many (grammatical) copular constructions. He also substitutes lexical verbs with the copula. Although this results in ungrammatical utterances, by doing so, a resemblance of sentence structure and a degree of grammaticality of his utterances are preserved. Although the patient is more impaired in naming action than object pictures, it is unlikely that lexical retrieval difficulties are solely responsible for the paucity of lexical verbs in his speech. A series of tests revealed a profound deficit in producing tense marking inflections and in understanding their significance. We argue that the unavailability of tense features is the primary reason for the lack of lexical verbs in his speech. An alternative possibility, that the tense deficit interacts with the verb retrieval deficit, is also discussed. The patient has a complex lesion and language profile, with features associated with both Broca's and Wernicke's aphasia. However, since the study focuses on his verb and tense deficits and the grammaticality of his utterances, issues that are often discussed in relation to agrammatic Broca's aphasia, the literature that is relevant to these topics and to Broca's aphasia is reviewed, despite the different diagnostic profile of the patient.     

Why girls say 'holded' more than boys

Women are better than men at verbal memory tasks, such as remembering word lists. These tasks depend on declarative memory. The declarative/procedural model of language, which posits that the lexicon of stored words is part of declarative memory, while grammatical composition of complex forms depends on procedural memory, predicts a female superiority in aspects of lexical memory. Other neurocognitive models of language have not made this prediction. Here we examine the prediction in past-tense over-regularizations (e.g. holded) produced by children. We expected that girls would remember irregular past-tense forms (held) better than boys, and thus would over-regularize less. To our surprise, girls over-regularized far more than boys. We investigated potential explanations for this sex difference. Analyses showed that in girls but not boys, over-regularization rates correlated with measures of the number of similar-sounding regulars (folded, molded). This sex difference in phonological neighborhood effects is taken to suggest that girls tend to produce over-regularizations in associative lexical memory, generalizing over stored neighboring regulars, while boys are more likely to depend upon rule-governed affixation (hold+-ed). The finding is consistent with the hypothesis that, likely due to their superior lexical abilities, females tend to retrieve from memory complex forms (walked) that men generally compose with the grammatical system (walk+-ed). The results suggest that sex may be an important factor in the acquisition and computation of language.     

Brain potentials during language production in children and adults: An ERP study of the English past tense

The current study examines the neural correlates of 8-to-12-year-old children and adults producing inflected word forms, specifically regular vs. irregular past-tense forms in English, using a silent production paradigm. ERPs were time-locked to a visual cue for silent production of either a regular or irregular past-tense form or a 3rd person singular present tense form of a given verb (e.g., walked/sang vs. walks/sings). Subsequently, another visual stimulus cued participants for an overt vocalization of their response. ERP results for the adult group revealed a negativity 300–450 ms after the silent-production cue for regular compared to irregular past-tense forms. There was no difference in the present form condition. Children’s brain potentials revealed developmental changes, with the older children demonstrating more adult-like ERP responses than the younger ones. We interpret the observed ERP responses as reflecting combinatorial processing involved in regular (but not irregular) past-tense formation.