Emigration as Family Strategy in Chinese Context: Emigration from Fuqing,China

This study explores how family characteristics affect the emigration of family members from the city of Fuqing, China, a major migrant-sending area in China. We focus our discussion on three related questions: how family demographic characteristics affect a family’s participation in emigration, the number of family members involved in emigration, and the locational diversification of family members overseas. Our findings show that family income is related to whether the family has any members overseas and their numbers. Second, a larger family is more likely to participate in migration. These findings are consistent with the argument that migration is a joint family decision. Third, effects of demographic characteristics of different generations on emigration indicate again that migration is a family matter. Finally, our Fuqing findings show no clear patterns of family members settling in the same country if more than one member is overseas.     

论近代流民"漂洋"现象

本文从社会史的角度,对近代流民"漂洋"现象进行审视,认为,近代农民漂洋过海易地谋生,虽然有一部分是"受人欺骗",有一部分是被卖为"猪仔",但大部分是"自由身份"的流民."猪仔"、"契约华工"北等,情况虽较复杂,但可以断言,无业流民是主体;"经济压迫"特别是人口压力,是"漂洋"现象发生和持续的基本驱动力,海外广阔的劳动力市场也产生强大的吸附力,但"劳工输出"机制始终没有真正建立起来,扭曲变形,留下沉痛的教训;无论以何种方式出洋,无论流入何地,无论他们所处地位如何,他们的辛勤劳动,推动了侨居各国的社会的发展,同时,有效缓解闽、广人口压力,减少由此引发的社会震荡.华侨资本源源流入国内,成为近代中国新的经济增长点,是推动中国由传统走向近代的重要物质力量,不仅促进了近代社会生产力的发展,而且为流民的分流和农民的非农化创造了一定的条件.     

Escape through Poland: Soviet Jewish Emigration in the 1950s

The emigration movement among Soviet Jews is usually dated to the 1960s–1990s. This essay focuses on the premovement emigration in the 1950s, which prepared the ground for the massive departure of Jews and non-Jewish members of their families, primarily to Israel and the United States. The parameters for leaving the Soviet Union in the 1950s were in many ways similar to the parameters for returning to Poland in the immediate post–World War II years. On paper, the basic pools of emigrants were the same: Jews who at the outbreak of World War II were Polish nationals. In reality, many repatriates of the 1950s were more Soviet than Polish, leaving the country where they had lived for up to twenty years, which often was a lion’s share of their lives. Those—that is, the majority—who ultimately reached Israel went through two repatriation processes: first, as returnees to their pre–World War II homeland and, second, as Jews going back to their historical homeland. As this essay shows, the contemporaneous political and social climates in the Soviet Union and Poland, the nature of those countries’ mutual relations and of their relations with Israel, not present on the map until 1948, framed a unique context for emigration in the early post-Stalinist period.     

Those Easily Forgotten: The Impact of Emigration on Those Left Behind

Much has been written about the experiences and stresses of those who emigrate. By contrast, little attention has been paid to the experiences of those who stay behind—family members and friends who for various reasons do not to join their loved ones in the destination country. In this article, I describe the experiences of some South Africans whose families and friends have emigrated. This study forms part of a larger research project focusing on the impact of emigration on South African family life. Twenty‐one participants were interviewed by means of a semistructured interview at least 6 months after one or more family member(s) and/or friend(s) left South Africa, to explore participants’ experiences around their loved ones’ emigration. A thematic analysis of the data reveals that those left behind experience various emotions, ranging from emotional ambivalence to anger and distress. Emigration is mostly experienced as a vast loss, almost akin to a “death,” bringing about significant changes in social networks and relationships. The therapeutic significance of the findings for those working with emigrant families is also explored.     

Escape From Traumas: Emigration And Hungarian Jewish Identity After The Holocaust

Unlike other European countries, at the turn of the 20th century, Hungary ensured complete legal and religious equality for Jews living in the country. As a result, they became strongly assimilated and identified themselves as Hungarian. Leading up to and during WWII, there was a gradual and steady deterioration of those legal and religious conditions, and the “betrayal” and persecution of Jews caused unspeakable trauma all over the world. After the defeat of the Nazis, only a small number of Holocaust survivors returned to their home country; the majority emigrated. This study provides a psychoanalytical analysis of the changes in Hungarian survivors’ psychic realities and the construction of their new identities, depending on the survival strategy they chose. The hypothesis is that the rebuilding of the demolished identity and the level of trauma elaboration depend on whether this process was done at the place of the trauma or in a different society. The study uses psychoanalytic and social psychology literature to follow the impacts of the emigration process, to draw conclusions and apply them to trauma elaboration after the Holocaust.

     

Work and community

Conclusion I have argued that research and action in the world of work can be a central concern and a major opportunity for community psychologists. Work is central to well being and identity. It is an arena of rapid and turbulent social change where our values are expressed and lived out. Furthermore, work is not a separate life domain, but interpenetrates family and community life. Work is a source of the psychological sense of community and can be made more so. Experiences at work can spill over to family and community and vice versa. Recognizing the myriad paths of this interdependence is an ecological insight that has the possibility of real consequences for well being in our communities. We have only to act on our insight.This article is based on the Presidential Address for Division 27, Community Psychology, of the American Psychological Association, Toronto, Canada, August 26, 1984.     

Personhood and community

Abstract

Davidson develops an argument that establishes the most basic set-up for rationality. The minimal set-up is a triangle formed by two subjects and an object. Each of the two subjects occupies one of the three angles and the third angle is occupied by a subject matter – that about which the two subjects are in communication with one another. I extend Davidson’s argument somewhat and show how an entire pluralistic community is required for individuals to develop most fully as rational creatures. I do this by showing how the basic conditions for rationality set out by Davidson would start to crumble in conditions such as those set out in Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four. The ideal, as opposed to the minimal, set-up for rationality is not a triangle, but a pluralistic network of subjects. And indeed, the ideal conditions for rationality are to a large extent just that because they allow for the full implementation of Davidson’s minimal set-up.     

The therapeutic community in the local community: Social networks between therapeutic community and supported housing

In this paper, the authors present a model for therapeutic community programmes for those with severe and enduring mental ill health, based on social networks. These programmes have given birth to a range of therapeutic community which are, in fact, an innovative form of group psychotherapy. These new model do not depend on communal living. Some are groupings of apartments, others day units. Work schemes also feature here. And yet, as the authors outline, various components need to be present if these are to be considered genuine therapeutic communities and not just supported housing schemes. Additionally, a certain kind of training and clinical supervision is needed for the staff.     

Personal and community sustainability

Many community members reduce their community involvements as they more through midlife. This may be true for community psychologists as well. Yet research evidence suggests that-intellectually, at least-we can function at or near peak levels through our 80s and 90s. How then might we best sustain ourselves and our work through our entire lives? Answers may lie in full exercise of all capacities, in strong support networks, and in actions that meet one's deeper needs, “the needs of the soul”. These same principles may sustain community life as well, for some key principles of personal and community sustainability may be similar. Applications of these ideas to communities and to community psychology are discussed.     

Social stress and community psychology

Two questions that embarrass community psychologists are: "What do community psychologists do?" "What's the difference between community psychology and clinical psychology?" A conceptual model is proposed to help to find answers to these questions. The model describes a process whereby psychosocial stress leads to psychopathology. The argument is developed that the apparently disparate activities of community psychologists are uniformly directed at undermining the stress process but, given the complexity of this process, vary because they tackle it at different points.