The Rorschach and traumatic loss: can the presence of traumatic loss be detected from the Rorschach?

Loss, an expected part of everyone's life, can be a catalyst promoting significant growth. But all losses are not the same or affect everyone in like manner. Some losses are of such magnitude and intensity that individuals cannot cope, and, therefore, they keep reliving them (posttraumatic stress syndrome) as if through repeated attempts (Freud, 1923-1922/1961) they might master what had been initially so overwhelming. This study, using an inpatient hospital sample, examines the Rorschach protocols of individuals who had experienced traumatic loss in childhood or early adolescence and compares them with a control group of individuals who appear to have no such history. Our hypotheses that victims of early trauma have a distinguishing Rorschach profile was validated in the exploratory study. Further study is needed to clarify whether factors other than traumatic loss may be contributing to this profile.     

The Rorschach and Traumatic Loss: Can the Presence of Traumatic Loss Be Detected From the Rorschach?

Loss, an expected part of everyone's life, can be a catalyst promoting significant growth. But all losses are not the same or affect everyone in like manner. Some losses are of such magnitude and intensity that individuals cannot cope, and, therefore, they keep reliving them (posttraumatic stress syndrome) as if through repeated attempts (Freud, 1923-1922/1961) they might master what had been initially so overwhelming. This study, using an inpatient hospital sample, examines the Rorschach protocols of individuals who had experienced traumatic loss in childhood or early adolescence and compares them with a control group of individuals who appear to have no such history. Our hypotheses that victims of early trauma have a distinguishing Rorschach profile was validated in the exploratory study. Further study is needed to clarify whether factors other than traumatic loss may be contributing to this profile.     

Is the Rorschach Welcome in the Courtroom?

A survey of 7,934. recent federal and state court cases in which psychologists presented Rorschach testimony revealed only 6 in which the appropriateness of the Rorschach was challenged and just one in which the testimony was not admitted into evidence. There is accordingly good reason to believe that, despite occasionally voiced concerns to the contrary, the Rorschach is welcome in the courtroom.     

Are Rorschach responses influenced by society's change?

It is generally believed that people "normally" see male figures on Card III and females on Card VII, and that seeing females on III by males may be an indication of confused sexuality. Brown (1971) suggests that recently there has been a marked increase in the number of males who see females on III and that this indicates a cultural change toward a blurring sex roles. Present findings are that male subjects through 60 years of age see substantial numbers of females on Card III. More males do see females on III in 1970 than earlier, but it seems to be the age of the subject more than the decade in which he lives that primarily determines response.     

Is the Rorschach welcome in the courtroom?

A survey of 7,934. recent federal and state court cases in which psychologists presented Rorschach testimony revealed only 6 in which the appropriateness of the Rorschach was challenged and just one in which the testimony was not admitted into evidence. There is accordingly good reason to believe that, despite occasionally voiced concerns to the contrary, the Rorschach is welcome in the courtroom.     

On the Attention — Demand Value of Rorschach Stimuli

The attention-demand value of the Rorschach stimuli was investigated by measuring free looking time elicited by each card. Reports of content were not given by Ss. There were significant differences between cards in amount of looking which they elicited. This was closely related to judged complexity of the cards (r = .78) and response productivity of the cards under normal administration of the Rorschach test (r = .72). A comparison of looking times under two instructions, non-defensive and defensive, showed that the instructional variable tended to produce greater differences in looking time for some cards than for others. Cards low in complexity showed relatively longer looking times under the defensive conditions.     

Response Inhibition and the Rorschach ‘M’ Response

Previous research indicated that a relationship existed between production of the Rorschach M response and inhibition of motor activity. The present study investigated this relationship under conditions which approximated those involved in the normal process of impulse control. Volunteer college students were used as subjects. Ss who engaged in a response inhibition task subsequently produced significantly more M responses than did Ss who had engaged in a noninhibitory task. This supported the hypothesis that M is an indication of the tendency to deal with impulses through fantasy.     

The Rorschach: projective technique or psychometric test?

Various approaches to the Rorschach Technique are described in terms of the idiographic-nomothetic axis and the perceptual-content axis. It is suggested that it is most productive to view the Rorschach as a projective tool, with perceptual scoring a secondary factor. Current efforts at objectification of the Rorschach are not seen as useful as efforts to enhance its projective qualities. Some possible ways are discussed in which the projective value of the instrument can be maximized.     

The Rorschach: does it have a future?

Recent evidence suggests that in spite of an increasingly critical attitude by many clinicians towards the use of projective techniques, the use of these techniques has not faltered over the years. Insofar as the Rorschach continues to be the most popular projective instrument, its scientific status is critically examined in the present paper. The problems inherent in examining an instrument which has engendered a number of quite distinct scoring systems are noted, and the conclusion is advanced that notwithstanding such problems there seems little likelihood that the Rorschach will experience any significantly diminished popularity in the future.     

Challenges Since Wikipedia: The Availability of Rorschach Information Online and Internet Users’ Reactions to Online Media Coverage of the Rorschach–Wikipedia Debate

We conducted 2 studies to assess the availability of Rorschach information online and Internet users’ attitudes since the inkblots were published on Wikipedia. In the first study, the authors conducted 2 Google searches for Web sites containing Rorschach-related information. The top 88 results were classified by level of threat to test security; 19% posed a direct threat. The authors also found Web sites authored by psychologists that divulged sensitive Rorschach information. In the second study, 588 comments to online news stories covering the Rorschach–Wikipedia debate were coded as expressing favorable or unfavorable opinions regarding the field of psychology, psychologists, and the Rorschach. Eight percent of comments described unfavorable opinions toward psychology, 15% contained unfavorable opinions toward psychologists, and 35% portrayed unfavorable opinions of the Rorschach. Common themes and popular misconceptions of the Rorschach contained in these comments are described. Implications and recommendations for practice are discussed. Limitations, including the second study's narrow sample and self-selection bias, are also detailed.     

Psychoanalytic interpretation of the Rorschach: do we have better hieroglyphics?

Schafer (1954) advanced the "Psychoanalytic Interpretation in Rorschach Testing" and asserted that thoughtful interpretation involved more than translating hieroglyphics or scores. In this book, he presented his thesis by describing four defensive styles (repression, denial, projective, and obsessive-compulsive) at various levels of severity of psychopathology. To investigate whether the Structural Summary data from Exner's (1986) Comprehensive System, with its improved reliability and validity and additional scores, allow one to make similar distinctions among the types of defense and severity of disturbance, we rescored the Schafer records. The results of this conservative test of Exner's system suggest that (a) the Comprehensive System reliably distinguishes the repressive style from the other styles, and (b) scores alone may provide adequate measures of severity of disturbance even with form quality excluded. We concluded that Rorschach scores must be understood as complex products of multiple psychological operations and may correspond to different subjective experiences in various contexts.