Beyond the Ethnic‐Civic Dichotomy: Cultural Citizenship as a New Way of Excluding Immigrants

In European Union (EU) countries, public debates about immigrants and citizenship are increasingly framed in cultural terms. Yet, there is no agreement within the citizenship literature on whether a cultural citizenship representation can be distinguished from the more established ethnic and civic representations and on how its measures relate to anti‐immigrant attitudes. The present study tested measures of citizenship representations among high school students (N = 1476) in six EU countries (Belgium, France, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, and Sweden). Factor analyses favored a three‐factor model of citizenship representations (i.e., ethnic, cultural, and civic factors), which showed partial metric invariance. Across countries, ethnic and cultural scales correlated positively with each other and negatively with the civic scale. Moreover, ethnic and cultural scales related positively and the civic scale negatively to anti‐immigrant attitudes. However, when analyzed simultaneously, relations of the ethnic scale with anti‐immigrant attitudes were no longer significant, while those of the cultural and civic scales proved to be robust. Implications of these findings are discussed.     

Return Imaginaries and Political Climate: Comparing Thinking About Return Mobilities Among Pakistani Origin Migrants and Descendants in Norway and the UK

The political climate on immigration and diversity in various European societies has previously been analysed in relation to media representations, policy regimes and public opinion. This paper focuses more narrowly on how political climates affect migrant and post-migrant generations, as inhabitants of these European societies. We focus on the impact of ambivalence resulting from perceived lack of recognition as full citizens in European societies among migrants and their descendants. Ambivalence in relation to experiences of particular traits of the political climate is further connected with ideas about mobility—how migrants and descendants may think about return migration—what we discuss in terms of ‘return imaginaries’. Culture, ideology and representations are seen as significant for contemporary politics, not only with expressive but also with formative roles. With this perspective, the analysis explores three politically heated areas of debate: about immigration control, about social cohesion and integration agendas and about terrorist attacks. These three areas were inductively selected, drawing on analysis of qualitative data collected among Pakistani origin migrants and descendants in Norway and the UK. The two countries of residence are purposefully chosen because they in different ways reflect political climates affected by the rise of xenophobia and Islamophobia in Europe.     

Citizenship Education and Human Rights in Sites of Ethnic Conflict: Toward Critical Pedagogies of Compassion and Shared Fate

The present essay discusses the value of citizenship as shared fate in sites of ethnic conflict and analyzes its implications for citizenship education in light of three issues: first, the requirements of affective relationality in the notion of citizenship-as-shared fate; second, the tensions between the values of human rights and shared fate in sites of ethnic conflict; and third, the ways in which citizenship education might overcome these tensions without falling into the trap of psychologization and instrumentalization, but rather focusing on providing opportunities for social and school practices that manifest shared fate and compassion in critical ways. It is argued that what teachers and schools should try to do is to make practices of shared fate and compassion possible through creating conditions for children and young people to experience what it means to enact such practices in sites of ethnic conflict. It is also suggested that teachers and schools in sites of ethnic conflict cannot produce ??new?? citizens on the basis of any values, no matter how ??noble?? these values may be. The most that can be done is to help children and young people to critically reflect upon the conditions under which people in sites of ethnic conflict can act on the basis of shared fate and compassion and provide support so that these possibilities can become realistic.     

Space of Possibilities: Civic Discourse and Multicultural Citizenship in Locally Produced Chinese Television Programs in Metro Vancouver

This paper uses content analysis and interviews to produce case studies of Fairchild Group’s Talentvision (Mandarin) and two local current-affairs talk show programs in Mandarin. Based on the concept of geo-ethnic media and multicultural communication infrastructure model, the paper argues that geo-ethnic media can be a powerful means to promote civic virtues in a large, pluralistic modern society and to help new immigrants transform their “formal” citizenship into a “substantive” citizenship. The geo-ethnic media also provides a transnational supplement to the mainstream public sphere, which allows a sub-national ethnic community to maintain its cultural identity. The paper concludes that further efforts should be made to foster communication and interaction between the mainstream media and the diverse world of ethnic media in Canada.     

A new American dilemma? The effect of ethnic identification and public service on the national inclusion of ethnic minorities

Three experiments integrate research from political science and social psychology to examine the consequences of two competing visions of American national identity. American identity has been defined not only in terms of shared ethnocultural heritage originating in Europe (the ethnocultural prototype) but also in terms of shared commitment to civic service (the civic responsibility prototype). Three experiments tested the consequence of highlighting each of these national prototypes on perceivers' inclusion of ethnic minorities as legitimately American. Experiments 1–3 showed that highlighting ethnic minorities' allegiance to their ethnic subgroup (versus downplaying it) challenges the ethnocultural prototype and makes ethnic minorities appear less American. Process data showed that this effect was mediated by increased threats to American distinctiveness. By contrast, emphasizing ethnic minorities' national service (versus local community service) highlights ethnic minorities' fit with the civic responsibility prototype and makes ethnic minorities appear more American (Experiments 2–3). Process data showed that this effect was mediated by enhanced American distinctiveness. Collectively, these experiments highlight how inclusion of ethnic minorities in the nation can wax and wane depending on which definition of national character is salient in the social context. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Young citizens in Hong Kong: obedient,active and patriotic?

There are multiple ways of understanding citizenship: as a status conferred by a nation state, a personal identity constructed in response to particular circumstances or a social identity developed out of group membership. These are not mutually exclusive categories: an individual may experience “citizenships” that integrate these legal, personal and social identities. Yet how do young people who are not yet citizens understand what it means to be a citizen? In the present study, 15-year-old Hong Kong students were surveyed 2 years after the transition from colonial rule to Chinese sovereignty. They were asked to respond to a series of questions about citizenship responsibilities and the way they saw these reflected in ‘good citizens’. The results showed that students viewed citizenship responsibilities as multidimensional with reference to specific groups. They identified legal obligations related to civil authorities, personal obligations to support other members of the community and patriotic obligations to support the nation-state.     

Civic Republicanism and Education: Democracy and Social Justice in School

The republican political tradition, which originated in Ancient Rome and picked up by several early-modern thinkers, has been revived in the last couple of decades following the seminal works of historian Quentin Skinner and political theorist Philip Pettit. Although educational questions do not normally occupy the center stage in republican theory, various theorists working within this framework have already highlighted the significance of education for any functioning republic. Looking at educational questions through the lens of freedom as non-domination has already yielded important insights to discussions of political education. However, consideration of the existing republican educational discourse in light of the wide range of issues discussed in Pettit’s recent works reveals that it suffers from two major lacunae. First, it does not take into consideration the distinction (and deep connection) between democracy and social justice that has become central to Pettit’s republicanism. Thus, the current discussion focuses almost exclusively on education for democratic citizenship and hardly touches upon social justice. Second, the current literature thinks mainly in terms of educating future citizens, rather than conceiving of students also as political agents in the present, and of school itself as a site of non-domination. This paper aims at filling these voids, and it will therefore be oriented along two intersecting axes: the one between democracy and justice, and the other between future citizenship in the state and present citizenship at school. The resulting four categories will organize the discussion: future citizens and democracy; future citizens and social justice; present citizens and democracy; present citizens and social justice. This will not only enable us to draw a clearer line between the civic republican and liberal educational theories, but also make civic republican education a viable alternative to current educational approaches.     

The benefits of studying immigration for social psychology

This Agenda article argues that studying the continuing world‐wide migration and the resulting cultural diversity has specific benefits for social psychology: it raises new questions for the field, introduces new topics of research, and challenges conventional ways of thinking. The argument is developed in relation to four issues. The first one relates to the literature on ethnic and civic nationhood and the importance for social psychology to study citizenship and lay understandings of genetics. The second issue relates to the social psychological literature on threat and prejudice and the relative lack of interest in prosocial behavior and intergroup toleration. Third, the limiting implications of the majority–minority schematic framework that dominates in social psychology are discussed. Finally, the relevance of studying immigration for the evidentiary value movement that has developed in response to the current ‘crisis’ in (social) psychology is discussed.     

The relationship between political participation and civic community of migrants in the Netherlands

This article examines the relationship between different forms of political participation and the civic participation in organizations of ethnic minorities in the Netherlands. We have investigated the turnout rates and voting behaviour of migrants, the participation of councillors from ethnic minority groups and party of officials in four cities and the organizations of ethnic minorities in Amsterdam and on a national level. The combination of all this information supplies us with a picture of the civic community of the ethnic groups in the Netherlands and we theorize about explanations on differences between these groups.     

西方公民观与公民道德观的历史演变——从古希腊罗马时期至17、18世纪

古希腊罗马时期的公民是享有政治和经济特权的少数人 ,智慧、勇敢、节制和正义是公民应具备的“四主德” ;中世纪缺乏公民与公民道德生长的土壤 ,社会造就的是谦卑温顺的臣民及深受基督教神学影响的臣民道德 ;17、18世纪的公民理论突破了古希腊罗马时期公民资格的狭隘性 ,公民的内涵大大拓展 ,资产阶级思想家们提出了与资本主义发展相适应的公民道德 ,但资产阶级公民道德理论也具有一定的虚伪性。     

Adolescents' evaluations of those who challenge exclusive and inclusive peer norms

Early and middle adolescents' judgements and reasonings about peers who challenge exclusive and inclusive peer group norms were examined across three studies with varying intergroup contexts. Study 1 participants included (N = 199) non-Arab American participants responding to an Arab American/non-Arab American intergroup context. Study 2 included (N = 123) non-Asian and (N = 105) Asian American participants responding to an Asian/non-Asian American intergroup context. Study 3 included (N = 275) Lebanese participants responding to an American/Lebanese intergroup context. Across all three studies participants responded to ingroup and outgroup deviant group members who challenged their peer groups to either include or exclude an outgroup peer with similar interests. Findings indicated that adolescents approved of peers who challenged exclusive peer norms and advocated for inclusion of an ethnic and cultural outgroup, and disapproved of peers who challenged inclusive group norms and advocated for exclusion. Non-Arab and non-Asian American adolescents displayed ingroup bias when evaluating a deviant advocating for exclusion. Additionally, age differences were found among Asian American adolescents. Findings will be discussed in the light of intergroup research on those who challenge injustices.     

当代自由主义和社群主义之争:以公民资格为焦点

当代自由主义和社群主义之争涉及很多方面,但以公民资格为焦点来看,二者之间的主要差异表现为:自由主义以个体价值立论,重视个人自由和权利的保障,而社群主义则以群体价值立论,重视社会公共善的达成.这两种公民资格观所标榜的公民精神都在不同方面契合当代中国社会发展的需要.就我国当前现状而言,应从日常生活中的公民礼仪做起,培养和塑造以宽容尊重、平等交往为主要人格特征的新时代公民,由此,政治民主生活中负责任的好公民才可能产生.     

Dialog for De-Radicalization in Postcolonial Europe

Dialogical Self Theory will be deployed to deconstruct the discourse of cultural integration in postcolonial European nation-states in order to contribute to the de-radicalization of inter-ethnic relations. From the perspective of Dialogical Self Theory it may be argued that ethnic others are frequently locked up in I-prisons by an exclusive focus on their positions as citizens with a migration background who are not yet integrated into mainstream society. This unidimensional view of the Other circumvents the multiplicity of the self and neglects other positions that they may have in common with so-called ‘autochthonous’ citizens. Dialogical Self Theory offers an alternative approach that highlights not only cultural differences, but also partial but potent human commonalities. As a consequence, the focus may be shifted from differences towards dialog, which in the end will lead to de-radicalization.     

Dual Citizenship, Double Membership? Membership and Belonging of Immigrants’ Descendants in France and Sweden

Conceptual changes in the classical understanding of citizenship in connection with marked shifts in citizenship regimes have been widely studied in recent decades. Most of this work has been developed to explore legal and institutional aspects, thus giving citizenship a static framework. By turning to individuals?? perceptions, a new picture of citizenship is discovered. The present study pays attention to a group that has not hitherto been central in discussions about citizenship, namely immigrants?? descendants or so-called second-generation immigrants. This group is regarded as being in-between their parents?? native country and the country in which they were themselves born, which could result in an ambiguous membership and potentially divided allegiance, especially for those having dual citizenship. This article introduces the experiences of Turkish descendants in France and Sweden. Qualitative work complemented by survey data shows how dual citizens prioritize one country or both in order to develop new and traditional aspects associated with citizenship. Two dimensions are explored: a civic dimension composed by traditional elements associated with legal status such as rights and duties and a subjective dimension that is defined by the personal elements that link individuals with the country, city, or community to which they belong. Citizenship regimes and paradigms of integration are also problematized in this article in order to capture the context and possible influence over people??s narratives.     

Political Agency,Citizenship, and Non-human Animals

In this essay I challenge the idea that political agency must be central to the concept of citizenship. I consider this question in relation to whether or not domesticated animals can be understood as our fellow citizens. In recent debates on this topic, both proponents and opponents of animal citizenship have taken political agency to be central to this question. I advance two main arguments against this position. First, I argue against the orthodox view that claims political agency is a requirement of citizenship. This position ignores both how citizenship is understood in practice by modern, liberal democracies, as well as the separate functions of citizenship. Further, there are no plausible ways we can consistently extend citizenship to humans regardless of intellectual ability, while denying it to domesticated animals. Nevertheless, I argue that it is important to distinguish two ways in which citizenship is enacted: Citizenship as Membership and Citizenship as Responsible, Political Agent. Domesticated animals should be understood as citizens, despite the fact that they are not responsible, political agents. Second, I challenge the view, put forward by Donaldson and Kymlicka, that animals are capable of certain forms of political agency. I argue that political agency is not crucial to whether, and how, the preferences of these animals matter for political decision-making. The upshot of my argument is that political agency matters much less to debates about the citizenship of non-human animals than both sides of this debate have been inclined to think.     

Students’ perceptions of good citizenship: a person-centred approach

It is commonly understood that democracies need actively engaged democrats and that adolescence is a significant period in life for educating engaged citizens. Whereas previous quantitative studies in the field have primarily focused on the relationships among participation-related variables, the research reported here aims to categorize secondary school students according to their civic orientations. Thus, the present study proposes a different strategy of analysing quantitative data, namely a person-centred statistical approach, which is well suited when the research focuses on heterogeneous populations. It utilizes attitudes towards the importance of citizenship behaviours and employed latent class analysis using two cohorts of the Australian National Assessment Program: Civics and Citizenship. Analyses yielded four groups for both the importance of conventional citizenship and the importance of social movement-related citizenship. About one-third of all students were ‘political enthusiasts’, as they were likely to endorse all kinds of citizenship behaviour. These patterns were stable across cohorts, but some latent class sizes varied between both cohorts. The findings of this innovative approach to the study of good citizenship are linked to previous research, and possible explanations for the differences between both cohorts—cohort, lifecycle, and period effects—and the potential of person-centred quantitative research for civics and citizenship education and policy are discussed.     

The Roots of Patriotism Across Political Contexts

Why do some Americans feel more patriotic than others? We argue that feelings of national pride are reinforced by cues from people's political and social environments. When Americans reside in contexts that align with their values, traits, and civic orientations, they are more likely to express pride in their country. We consider both civic and ethnic pathways to patriotism. We expect that minorities and those who particularly value political equality will feel increasingly patriotic as the racial and ethnic diversity of their state climbs. For those who see politics through a partisan lens, we expect that environments defined by political competition will enhance feelings of national pride. We test our theory using data from the 2012 American National Election Studies (ANES). We find that Americans are more likely to say that they feel love for their country when they reside in political contexts congruent with their values and approach to citizenship.     

Creating inclusive identity narratives through participatory action research

This paper describes the process and outcomes of Voices, a participatory action research project aimed to disrupt divisive ethnic identity narratives among youth living amidst protracted ethnic conflict. The project took place in the Garo Hills region of Northeast India, a site of protracted ethnic conflict. Moving away from crisis‐based approaches, this paper explores the conflict transformative potential of participatory action research, specifically its effectiveness in facilitating civic engagement across ethnic lines. The findings indicate that young people's involvement in the project afforded them an opportunity to engage with local community concerns outside of polarized ethnic identity narratives. This involvement facilitated three critical outcomes: engagement in social critique, reconfiguration of a more inclusive researcher identity, and adoption of a language of possibility. Based on these findings, it is argued that opportunities for critical community engagement could interrupt divisive ethnic identity narratives and provide turning points for youth to reimagine inclusive social identities.     

Making a difference for young people with learning disabilities: A model for inclusive counselling practice

The prevalence of mental health problems in young people with learning disabilities and the disability rights movement provide the background to this paper. The aims are to investigate the inclusivity of counselling; gain insight into inclusive practices; and put forward a model for inclusive counselling practice. Mixed methodology provides quantitative and qualitative data through a survey of counsellors (n = 396) and a series of semi‐structured interviews (n = 15). The results produce six indicators of inclusive counselling, which are used to build a model for inclusive counselling practice: proactive approach to inclusion; focus on building relationships; operationalising equal opportunities policies; inclusive initial assessments; adopting flexible and creative approaches to counselling; and training and awareness raising. The implications for research and practice are to acknowledge the exclusive nature of the profession and address the issue of inclusion through training, professional development and further research in the field. The model for inclusive counselling practice is put forward as a tool for auditing existing counselling provision and as guidance for counsellors and policy makers in increasing inclustion of young people with learning disabilities in mainstream counselling.