Developmental differences in working memory: Where do they come from?

Several models assume that working memory development depends on age-related increases in efficiency and speed of processing. However, age-related increases in the efficiency of the mechanisms that counteract forgetting and restore memory traces may also be important. This hypothesis was tested in three experiments by manipulating both the processing duration within a working memory task and the time available to restore memory traces. Third- and sixth-grade children performed a complex span task in which they maintained series of letters while adding numbers to series of digits. When we equated processing and restoration times between ages, the developmental difference in working memory span was reduced but remained significant. However, this residual difference was eliminated when the time available to reactivate memory traces was tailored to the processing speed of each age group. This indicates that children employ active mechanisms for maintenance and restoration of memory traces that develop with age.     

Three approaches to the psychology of culture: Where do they come from? Where can they go?

Cultural psychology, cross-cultural psychology, and indigenous psychology are three approaches to the psychology of culture. The author begins by comparing the three approaches – conceptually, methodologically; and historically. She concludes that each approach has contributed knowledge of the "deep structure" of culture to the field of psychology. This "deep structure" consists of the framework of individualism and collectivism; particular cultures are therefore surface forms of one or the other of these basic cultural frameworks. Rather than being universal, classical social and developmental psychology are seen as reflecting a particular indigenous psychology. For the future, a truly universal psychology must offer a theoretical framework that encompasses alternative indigenous psychologies.     

Sex differences in attraction to infants: When do they occur?

Harlow (1971) observed that all-female college audiences responded to a pictured infant rhesus monkey with an “ecstasy response,” while males were “completely unresponsive,” and females in coeducational audiences “inhibited the ecstasy response,” explaining these differences in terms of innate sex differences. The present study compared college students' self-reported attraction to pictures of 15 infant and adult nonhuman primates under several conditions. Infant pictures were of two types: infants which were engaged in typical infant behaviors (Infant Behavior), and those which were not (Infant). Subjects made judgments in same- or mixed-sex groups and reported degree of attraction publicly or privately. Ratio scores were used to represent each subject's attraction to infant or infant-behavior pictures compared with his or her attraction to pictures of adults. There were no significant sex differences in attraction to infant or infant-behavior pictures, and sex did not interact with any other variable. However, situational variables significantly affected the response. Males as well as females reported greater attraction to infant and infant-behavior pictures when they viewed the pictures in same-sex compared with mixed-sex groups. Both sexes reported greater attraction to infant and infant-behavior pictures privately than publicly.     

Where do hypotheses come from?

Why are human inferences sometimes remarkably close to the Bayesian ideal and other times systematically biased? In particular, why do humans make near-rational inferences in some natural domains where the candidate hypotheses are explicitly available, whereas tasks in similar domains requiring the self-generation of hypotheses produce systematic deviations from rational inference. We propose that these deviations arise from algorithmic processes approximating Bayes’ rule. Specifically in our account, hypotheses are generated stochastically from a sampling process, such that the sampled hypotheses form a Monte Carlo approximation of the posterior. While this approximation will converge to the true posterior in the limit of infinite samples, we take a small number of samples as we expect that the number of samples humans take is limited. We show that this model recreates several well-documented experimental findings such as anchoring and adjustment, subadditivity, superadditivity, the crowd within as well as the self-generation effect, the weak evidence, and the dud alternative effects. We confirm the model’s prediction that superadditivity and subadditivity can be induced within the same paradigm by manipulating the unpacking and typicality of hypotheses. We also partially confirm our model’s prediction about the effect of time pressure and cognitive load on these effects.     

Where do Bayesian priors come from?

Bayesian prior probabilities have an important place in probabilistic and statistical methods. In spite of this fact, the analysis of where these priors come from and how they are formed has received little attention. It is reasonable to excuse the lack, in the foundational literature, of detailed psychological theory of what are the mechanisms by which prior probabilities are formed. But it is less excusable that there is an almost total absence of a detailed discussion of the highly differentiating nature of past experience in forming a prior. The focus here is on what kind of account, even if necessarily schematic, can be given about the psychological mechanisms back of the formation of Bayesian priors. The last section examines a detailed experiment relevant to how priors are learned.     

Individual differences in second-language proficiency: does musical ability matter?

This study examined the relation between musical ability and second-language (L2) proficiency in adult learners. L2 ability was assessed in four domains: receptive phonology, productive phonology, syntax, and lexical knowledge. Also assessed were various other factors that might explain individual differences in L2 ability, including age of L2 immersion, patterns of language use and exposure, and phonological short-term memory. Hierarchical regression analyses were conducted to determine if musical ability explained any unique variance in each domain of L2 ability after controlling for other relevant factors. Musical ability predicted L2 phonological ability (both receptive and productive) even when controlling for other factors, but did not explain unique variance in L2 syntax or lexical knowledge. These results suggest that musical skills may facilitate the acquisition of L2 sound structure and add to a growing body of evidence linking language and music.     

Individual differences in object-examining duration: do they reflect the use of different encoding strategies?

Much evidence has shown that individual differences in the duration of visual fixation in infancy are related to processing of wholistic versus featural properties of the stimuli. In the present study, an object-examining technique was used with 8-month-old infants to test the hypothesis that infants who display differential attention durations to visuo-manually presented stimuli will vary in their processing of wholistic versus featural aspects of the stimuli. The results confirmed the hypothesis, indicating that, after being familiarized with an object comprised of both global and local properties, long examiners attended more to an object comprised of new-local rather than new-global aspects, whereas short examiners attended more to the new-global rather than the new-local object. These findings provide support to the contention of the existence of close similarities between visual fixation and object-examining measures as indexes of infant information processing, extending the convergences between the two measures to the domain of individual differences.     

Cross-national differences in the assessment of psychopathy: do they reflect variations in raters' perceptions of symptoms?

Cross-national differences in the prevalence of psychopathy have been reported. This study examined whether rater effects could account for these differences. Psychopathy was assessed with the Psychopathy Checklist-Revised (PCL-R; R. D. Hare, 1991). Videotapes of 6 Scottish prisoners and 6 Canadian prisoners were rated by 10 Scottish and 10 Canadian raters. No significant main or interaction effects involving the nationality of raters were detected at the level of full scores or factor scores. Using a generalizability theory approach, it was demonstrated that the interrater reliability of total scores was good, that is, the proportion of variance in test scores attributable to raters was small. The interrater reliability of factor scores was lower, typically falling in the fair range. Overall, the results suggest that the reported cross-national differences are more likely to be in the expression of the disorder rather than in the eye of the beholder.     

Behavior-analytic repertoires: Where will they come from and how can they be maintained?

The field of behavior analysis faces a number of issues concerning its existence as a discipline and as a profession, including (a) identification of the knowledge and skills comprising the repertoire of competent behavior analysts, (b) the nature of the curricula that will produce the scientists and practitioners needed by the discipline, (c) identification of the generic professional and social skills required for any successful professional career, (d) academic employment opportunities for behavior analysts, and (e) the maintenance of behavior-analytic repertoires. Recommendations are offered as possible solutions to problems raised with respect to each of these issues.     

Gender differences in empathic accuracy: Differential ability or differential motivation?

Following their qualitative review of the findings from 10 relevant studies, Graham and Ickes (1997) speculated that reliable gender‐of‐perceiver differences in empathic accuracy (a) were limited to studies in which the empathic inference form made empathic accuracy salient as the dimension of interest, and (b) therefore reflected the differential motivation, rather than the differential ability, of female versus male perceivers. These speculations were tested more rigorously in the present study, which examined a larger set of 15 empathic accuracy studies and applied the techniques of quantitative meta‐analysis to test Graham and Ickes’(1997) moderating variable hypothesis. The hypothesis was strongly supported, consistent with a motivational interpretation previously proposed by Berman (1980) and by Eisenberg and Lemon (1983), which argues that reliable gender differences in empathy‐related measures are found only in situations in which (a) subjects are aware that they are being evaluated on an empathy‐relevant dimension, and/or (b) empathy‐relevant gender‐role expectations or obligations are made salient.     

Individual differences in 3.5-month-olds’ visual attention: what do they predict at 1 year?

Individual differences in infants’ attentional style at 3.5 months are only moderately stable across the first postnatal year. However, infants designated as short lookers based on a pattern examination pretest task at 3.5 months had better recognition memory at 1 year and were briefer in toy examination on post-habituation tests than were long lookers. When these infants were 8–12 months old, peak-look duration during habituation was a better predictor of concurrent task performance than was the original pattern examination task when given at the follow up. Short and long lookers did not differ on a deferred imitation task.     

Sex differences in mate preferences revisited: do people know what they initially desire in a romantic partner?

In paradigms in which participants state their ideal romantic-partner preferences or examine vignettes and photographs, men value physical attractiveness more than women do, and women value earning prospects more than men do. Yet it remains unclear if these preferences remain sex differentiated in predicting desire for real-life potential partners (i.e., individuals whom one has actually met). In the present study, the authors explored this possibility using speed dating and longitudinal follow-up procedures. Replicating previous research, participants exhibited traditional sex differences when stating the importance of physical attractiveness and earning prospects in an ideal partner and ideal speed date. However, data revealed no sex differences in the associations between participants' romantic interest in real-life potential partners (met during and outside of speed dating) and the attractiveness and earning prospects of those partners. Furthermore, participants' ideal preferences, assessed before the speed-dating event, failed to predict what inspired their actual desire at the event. Results are discussed within the context of R. E. Nisbett and T. D. Wilson's (1977) seminal article: Even regarding such a consequential aspect of mental life as romantic-partner preferences, people may lack introspective awareness of what influences their judgments and behavior.     

The role of expectancies in accepting task-related diversity: do disappointment and lack of commitment stem from actual differences or violated expectations?

Two studies show that initial expectancies influence the way people respond toward task-related differences (i.e., in work goals or work styles) between the self and a collaboration partner. When no advance information is available, participants expect their partner to be similar to themselves in task-related aspects. However, when people expect their partner to have a different work goal (Study 1) or work style (Study 2), and this actually is the case, disappointment is reduced and commitment toward future collaboration is increased. Initial expectations are important because these help people develop a clear picture of their partner. When initial expectations are violated, people conceive the other less clearly and this is part of the reason they report lower levels of commitment.     

Gender differences in distributive negotiation: When in the negotiation process do the differences occur?

This study tested whether the degree of association among aspiration level, intended opening offer, actual first offer, actual counter‐offer, and final agreement was moderated by negotiator gender. Results show that gender does moderate the association between the predictor variable of intended opening offer and the criterion variable of actual first offer and the relationship between intended opening offer and actual counter‐offer. Interesting, this latter association was statistically non‐significant for women and statistically significant for men. These results suggest that gender differences disadvantaging women seem to manifest with the actual first offer and the actual counter‐offer. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

The learning ability paradox in adult metamemory research: Where are the metamemory differences between good and poor learners?

College students’ ability to judge whether a studied item had been learned well enough to be recalled on a later test was examined in three experiments with self-paced learning procedures. Generally, these learners compensated for item difficulty when allocating study time, studying hard items longer than easy items, but they still recalled more easy items than hard items and tended to drop items out too soon. When provided with test opportunities during study or a delay between study and judgment, learners compensated significantly more for item difficulty and recalled substantially more. Paradoxically, good and poor learners compensated similarly for item difficulty and benefited similarly from testing during study and from delayed decision making. Thus, although the ability to make metamemory decisions was shown to be important for effective learning, these decisions were made equally well by good and poor associative learners. An analysis of tasks used to investigate metamemory-memory relationships in adult learning may provide an account for this apparent learning ability paradox.     

Are there gender differences in verbal and visuospatial working-memory resources?

Whereas women generally outperform men in episodic-memory tasks, little is known as to how the genders compare with respect to basic working-memory operations. In reference to Baddeley's (1986) model, the present study searched for possible gender differences in terms of accuracy (but not speed) of working-memory processes. Men and women completed series of working-memory tasks respectively involving verbal and visuospatial information, as well as a double-span task involving both classes of information. Control measures included verbal fluency and mental rotation tasks in which gender differences are frequently obtained. In these tasks, the results showed several of the expected gender contrasts. However, men and women were not found to differ significantly in any type of working memory save in the double-span task where women surpassed men. The patterns of task intercorrelation were largely similar in both genders. Discussion emphasises the manifestation, based on the present exploration, of an almost identical working-memory architecture in men and women.