净明宗旨论 --《净明忠孝全书》研读

宋金元时期道教的一个显著特点 ,是道派孳乳 ,全真道、太一道、真大道、清微派、神霄派、玄教派等等 ,各种宗派相继兴起 ,道教呈现出多元发展的新态势 ,而净明道是新兴道派中的一派。单纯站在道教史的角度看 ,宋金元时期道派孳乳 ,原因似乎在于北宋道教教法之颓弊 ,尤其是宋徽宗崇道 ,使道教为文化清流所不耻。汴宋既亡 ,则道教摆脱旧规 ,新道派自民间兴起 ,有一种革故鼎新的气象。同样是宗教变革 ,宗旨却不尽相同。也惟其不尽相同 ,所以呈现出诸宗并行的局面 ,不同宗派奉行不同的宗旨 ,从教义教制上探讨道教文化的新模式、新方向。就其所代…     

论清微派法术与丹功相结合的内炼思想

本文简明阐述了清微派的法脉,以原典为本对清微雷法与内丹相结合的内炼思想进行了详细阐论;并对其雷法“内炼为本,外用为末”的思想做了梳理,指出此为宋元间新出之符篆道派共同的重要特征。     

道教太乙派及其道法考

唐宋之际,随着道教的兴盛与发展,出现许多新的道派,如洞渊派、北帝派、神霄派、清微派、天心派、太乙派、东华派、净明派等。他们多以雷法为用,济世度人,安邦护国,具有广泛的社会影响力。这里,仅就太乙派的历史、沿革、道法而论。一、由冯佑、刘浩然肇始的太乙派冯佑,平生好道,     

净明宗旨论——《净明忠孝全书》研读

宋金元时期道教的一个显著特点 ,是道派孳乳 ,全真道、太一道、真大道、清微派、神霄派、玄教派等等 ,各种宗派相继兴起 ,道教呈现出多元发展的新态势 ,而净明道是新兴道派中的一派。单纯站在道教史的角度看 ,宋金元时期道派孳乳 ,原因似乎在于北宋道教教法之颓弊 ,尤其是宋徽宗崇道 ,使道教为文化清流所不耻。汴宋既亡 ,则道教摆脱旧规 ,新道派自民间兴起 ,有一种革故鼎新的气象。而站在宏观历史的角度看 ,宋金元时期道派孳乳以致道教整体上呈现出多元发展的新态势 ,也许取决于民族冲突与融合的时代大环境。民族的冲突与融合 ,不但发生在现…     

《清微道法枢纽》简析

本文通过对《清微道法枢纽》四部分内容的简析 ,梳理了宋代新出的道教符派清微派雷法思想的理论依据、行法具体方式 ,以及学法之人所应遵守的基本准则和行为规范 ,阐明“以内炼为本 ,符为用”这一清微派雷法思想的核心     

宋末至明初道教清微派的“正心诚意”思想

出自先秦儒家《中庸》《大学》等经典中的“正心诚意”思想,两宋时期经过周敦颐、朱熹、陆九渊等儒家学者的重新阐释,对中国哲学产生了深远的影响。宋末至明初,道教清微派的雷法理论显然也受到了儒家“正心诚意”思想的启发,主张“至诚感神”,并认为道法是否灵验乃在于修道者平日修行“正心诚意”的工夫。通过对清微派“正心诚意”思想的考察,我们认为清微派的“正心诚意”思想与经过宋代理学家重新阐释后,《中庸》《大学》等儒家阐述“诚”思想的经典对社会的影响日益增大有密切的关系。     

元代及明初武当山五龙宫全真道的传承

五龙宫是武当山极为重要的宫观,自南宋开始,符箓道派在这里就有很大的势力.元代初年,全真派与清微派几乎同时来到五龙宫.作为北方新道派的全真道,在传入武当山之后选择五龙宫为其活动中心,就不得不面对与清微派道士合作的问题.终元一代,五龙宫形成了全真派与清微派共治的局面,两派之间互相师承、融合,全真道士很有可能还使用了张守清一系清微派的派字谱.明代初年,全真道在五龙宫迎来了短暂的独大局面.但是,随着永乐皇帝大修武当,从全国选调道士充任提点,五龙宫又重新回到了全真与正一共生并进的格局.五龙宫全真道的传承史为我们生动展示了全真道初传南方之后的生存境遇.     

列宁与"寻神派"和"造神派"的斗争

俄国1905年革命失败后,社会主义转入低潮。面对反动势力的一时得逞和第二国际修正主义思潮的影响,唯心主义和宗教思潮重新泛起。俄国社会民主党内一部分人也对社会主义丧失了信心。在这种情况下,出现了“寻神派”和“造神派”思潮。     

元代武当道教

本文所述武当道教,系指以湖北武当山为本山,以崇奉“玄帝”为主要特征的道教教团。宋代以来,玄帝已成为民众普遍信仰的道教大神,故当忽必烈营建大都发现龟蛇时,就开始崇奉玄帝。元朝统一后,玄教宗师张留孙又积极向忽必烈引荐武当道士,所以,作为传说中玄帝修真飞升之地的武当山,就成了元朝皇帝“告天祝寿”的重要道场,成了与天师道本山——龙虎山齐名的道教圣地。元代在武当山传宗的主要是全真派和清微派,两派都崇奉玄帝,并在武当修建了大量的玄帝宫观;这些宫观都属于玄教     

中国民间宗教试论

中国民间宗教,历来命运多舛,聚讼纷纭.坚持“实事求是”和“与时俱进”的思想原则,在“形上之思”与“形下之史”的结合上,阐释民间宗教是什么,厘清民间宗教的历史分期,认知民间宗教的特殊品质、社会功能、深远影响,从而理性、客观、公正地恢复民间宗教在中国宗教中的应有地位,是本文致思与言述的主旨.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.