叶矫然《易史参录》述要

叶矫然生当明末清初之际,此时期亦为史事派易学著作,如吴曰慎<周易本义爻征>、金士升<易内传>、胡世安<易史>等相继问世之时.<四库全书总目>于上述诸书,虽未选录于经部易类,然于叶矫然<易史参录>一书,则载诸<存目>,欲研究清初史事易学,探究史事易学何以至清而趋于极盛,则叶氏其人其书,自有不可不涉猎者.本文主要从<易史参录>著述背景与体制、易学渊源、援史证<易>特色、价值得失,并就<四库全书提要>主要论点提出一愚之见,略作修正与补充.由于叶矫然<易史参录>为清初史事宗易学重要之易家,其书亦影响同治年间另一史事易家曹为霖<易学史镜>甚巨,希望藉由本文之作,能提供未来从事清代史事易学,或清代易学史研究者之参考,进而有裨于吾人于清代易学全貌之了解.     

《归藏》非殷人之易考

<连山><归藏>不见于<汉志>,历来学者大惑不解.其实,二书就包含在<汉志·数术略>"蓍龟家"所录"<周易>三十八卷"之中."三代之易"为东汉"近师"晚出之说.汉人所见<连山><归藏>皆为<周易>的衍生物,其成书与<易传>的时代相先后.此外,对"殷人用卜,周人尚筮"、"易"之所以名"易",以及周代易筮之法的衍变等相关问题,亦作了尝试性的论述.     

道家、道教思想的历史转折--简评《隋唐道家与道教》

如所周知,隋唐五代是道家和道教史上一个极其辉煌的时期,出现了成玄英、王玄览、司马承祯、吴筠、张志和、杜光庭等道教学术精英,也产生了<玄珠录>、<道教内枢>、<坐忘论>、<玄真子外篇>、<无能子>、<化书>等一大批道教精典.而且以道家、道教思想嬗变为表征的中国思想史、文化史在唐宋时期的巨大转折是一个值得高度重视的思想史、文化史的研究课题.然而遗憾的是长期以来这一"重新塑造了中国的社会和文化"①的重要历史时期都没有引起思想史家、道教学家的足够重视,近年来道家、道教研究领域一批中青年学人开始了对这一时期道家、道教思想及其历史转变的研究.<隋唐道家与道教>一书应该说是其中较有代表性的成果之一.     

"象形""会意"思维与《周易》

"象形""会意"等造字思维乃中国传统思维模式滥觞和原型,其对<周易>形成和发展具有内在而深刻影响:"书卦同源"主要体现在思维方式上,且"书"之发生在前,是为本源;<易>之经文是对卦爻象的意解,主要是运用会意思维的结果;<易传>之<象>主要倾向象形思维,<彖>为会意思维.     

寻找揭秘《周易》的钥匙——《刘蔚华解读周易》读后

<周易>是我国最为古老的典籍之一,被誉为"六经之首"、大道之源.同时,对于绝大多数人来说,<周易>也是一部最难读懂的书.     

"圣人深见《易》道之无穷"--朱熹治《易》理路刍议

朱的治<易>体会.本文据此考察了朱子治<易>理路:一是对<易>道和<易>书的定位,认为圣人所深见的<易>道不仅仅指<易>的生生之道,而且还涵<易>书本为卜筮而作的本义;二是对治<易>困境的省思,认为因<易>之本义被遮蔽,且<易>道还需经历见得之故,故<易>成为难读的"天书".得出:朱子认定只有达至"此心大段虚明宁静"之境后,方可像圣人一样"深见<易>道之无穷",证成"学<易>无大过"的生命境界.     

阜阳汉简《周易》卜辞试探

阜阳汉简<周易>在卦辞和爻辞之后,都有具体卜问事项之辞,由于不见于今本而引起学者注意.本文举出敦煌汉简占书,性质与阜阳汉简<周易>相近,亦在卦名之后接抄卜辞.并进一步比对传世典籍与出土文献,认为这类卜辞应源于<日书>.褚少孙所补<史记*龟策列传>实受<日书>影响,所以语言形式与之相同.厘清其间关系之后,可以发现阜阳汉简<周易>这类融合<日书>的<周易>,可能对焦延寿"焦林直日"之说有所启迪.     

巴哈伊教神秘主义源流

巴哈欧拉1863年离开巴格达,公开巴哈伊教前的早期作品,神秘主义色彩浓厚.重要的有巴哈欧拉称之为"最神秘的作品"--<七谷书简>、 "天启神秘中的宝藏"--<隐言经>、还包括<四谷书>、 <确信之道>和<神圣奥妙之精华>等.     

谢赫《古画品录》中的易理考释

谢赫<古画品录>中所提出的诸如"气韵生动"、"事绝言象"、"雅郑兼善"、"述而不作,非画所先"、"六法"与"六品"等命题、概念与审美准则,无不源于<周易>系统中的易学思维.易学特别是王弼易学作为撰述主旨贯穿全书始终,构成了谢赫<古画品录>的画学基石.明乎此,不仅对<古画品录>可有更深入的理解,而且亦有助于魏晋南北朝时期文艺理论中一些重要问题的澄清.     

《周易》思想在《推十书》中的作用

<周易>思想在<推十书>中具有终极灵魂的地位.对刘咸炘先生来说,<周易>思想既是粘合剂,又是方法论,在其考镜源流、横中纵观、执两用中、任天圆道,尽心知性、立命事天的学术理念中始终具有领贯性的特殊作用.刘咸炘先生一方面遵循"易简而天下之理得"的原则,另一方面又坚持"理不与数对,事乃与数对",将<周易>视为历史哲学,既抓住了<周易>的要害,又汲取了大量的学术营养;既没有"尊敬太过",又为<推十书>整合中国学术,重振昔日辉煌,推十合一,求简求合,参悟大道,合归天地之大体的学术理想追求寻找到了理想的思想武器.从<推十书>对<周易>的运用,我们可以发现,刘咸炘先生崇奉老子的"太古道"哲学,是经过了<周易>诠释之后的老子,是从根本上去掉了虚无,而兼论有无的老子,刘咸炘先生笔下的老子已经将儒家的仁义包容在道家的"道"之中了,老子的"静为躁君"与儒家的"执两用中"融通为一,然后儒道兼容而同归于大体.这正是<周易>的理论归宿,同时也是<推十书>重要的关节之处.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.