Lexical decision in a phonologically shallow orthography

The Serbo-Croatian language is written in two alphabets, Roman and Cyrillic. Both orthographies transcribe the sounds of the language in a regular and straightforward fashion and may, therefore, be referred to as phonologically shallow in contrast to English orthography, which is phonologically deep. Most of the alphabet characters are unique to one alphabet or the other. There are, however, a number of shared characters, some of which receive the same reading and some of which receive a different reading, in the two alphabets. It is possible, therefore, to construct a variety of types of letter strings. Some of these can be read in only one way and can be either a word or nonsense. Other letter strings can be pronounced one way if read as Roman and in a distinctively different way if read as Cyrillic and can be words in both alphabets—but different words; or they can be nonsense in both alphabets or nonsense in one alphabet and a word in the other. In a lexical decision task conducted with bialphabetical readers, it was shown that words that can be read in two different ways are accepted more slowly and with greater error than words that can be read only one way. It was concluded that for the phonologically shallow writing systems of Serbo-Croatian, lexical decision proceeds with reference to the phonology.     

Is alphabet biasing in bialphabetical word perception automatic and prelexical?

Phonologically ambiguous Serbo-Croatian words are identified more slowly and erroneously than their phonologically unique counterparts. Five experiments addressed the reduction of these ambiguity effects when Roman (Cyrillic) targets are preceded by consonants unique to the Roman (Cyrillic) alphabet. Alphabet-specific nonword contexts were presented briefly with masking. With forward masking, performance was better when the phonologically ambiguous target words and their preceding nonword contexts were alphabetically congruent. Similarly, where backward masked contexts acted themselves as backward masks for the target stimuli, identification was highest when the context masks were in the same alphabet as the targets. Results were discussed in terms of automatic, prelexical processes within a network model of visual word recognition in Serbo-Croatian.     

Loci of phonological effects in the lexical access of words written in a shallow orthography

Summary Three experiments are reported that extend previous observations on the slowing of lexical decisions by phonologically ambiguous forms of Serbo-Croatian words relative to the phonologically unambiguous forms of the same words. The phonological ambiguity arises from the presence of letters whose phoneme interpretation differs between the two Serbo-Croatian alphabets, the Roman and the Cyrillic. In the first experiment, target words were preceded by asterisks or by context words that were associatively related and alphabetically matched to the targets. The effect of word contexts (i.e., priming) was greater for phonologically ambiguous than for phonologically unambiguous targets. The second experiment manipulated the alphabetic match of context word and target word. The effect of this manipulation was limited to phonologically ambiguous words. The third experiment reproduced the details of the first with the addition of visual degradation of the target stimuli on half of the trials. The results of the first experiment were replicated but no interaction between context and visual degradation was observed. The discussion focused on phonologically mediated access of Serbo-Croatian words. A model was proposed in which phonological codes are assembled prelexically according to weighted grapheme-phoneme correspondence rules.     

Phonological ambiguity and lexical ambiguity: effects on visual and auditory word recognition

Three experiments in Serbo-Croatian were conducted on the effects of phonological ambiguity and lexical ambiguity on printed word recognition. Subjects decided rapidly if a printed and a spoken word matched or not. Printed words were either phonologically ambiguous (two possible pronunciations) or unambiguous. If phonologically ambiguous, either both pronunciations were real words or only one was, the other being a nonword. Spoken words were necessarily unambiguous. Half the spoken words were auditorily degraded. In addition, the relative onsets of speech and print were varied. Speed of matching print to speech was slowed by phonological ambiguity, and the effect was amplified when the stimulus was also lexically ambiguous. Auditory degradation did not interact with print ambiguity, suggesting that perception of the spoken word was independent of the printed word.     

Phonemic priming with words and pseudowords

Abstract

The bi-alphabetic nature of the Serbo-Croatian writing system allows unequivocal examination of phonemic similarity unconfounded with graphemic similarity. The Roman and Cyrillic alphabets are largely independent but map onto the same sounds. A lower-case context written in one alphabet bears no visual similarity to an uppercase target written in the other alphabet. One naming experiment and one lexical decision experiment investigated phonemic priming of high-frequency words and pseudowords with word and pseudoword contexts. For naming, targets that were phone-mically similar to the preceding context were named significantly faster than were phonemically dissimilar targets. This result was indifferent to the lexicality of the contexts and targets. For lexical decision, in contrast, phonemically similar word-word pairs showed inhibition, whereas phonemically similar pseudoword-word pairs showed facilitation relative to their phonemically dissimilar counterparts. These results were discussed in terms of (1) a model of visual word processing that posits a layer of phoneme units between letter units and word units, and (2) the idea that active word units inhibit one another in proportion to each one's frequency. In this account, phonemic similarity effects in naming are based on the states of the phoneme units, while phonemic similarity effects in lexical decision are based on the states of the word units. These results lend further support to the claim that, for readers of Serbo-Croatian, the visual computation of phonology is automatic and prelexical.     

Processing lexical ambiguity and visual word recognition in a deep orthography

We investigated the effect of semantic and phonemic ambiguity on lexical decision and naming performance in the deep Hebrew orthography. Experiment 1 revealed that lexical decisions for ambiguous consonant strings are faster than those for any of the high- or low-frequency voweled alternative meanings of the same strings. These results suggested that lexical decisions for phonemically and semantically ambiguous Hebrew consonant strings are based on the ambiguous orthographic information. However, a significant frequency effect for both ambiguous and unambiguous words suggested that if vowels are present, subjects do not ignore them completely while making lexical decisions. Experiment 2 revealed that naming low-frequency voweled alternatives of ambiguous strings took significantly longer than naming the high-frequency alternatives or the unvoweled strings without a significant difference between the latter two string types. Voweled and unvoweled unambiguous strings, however, were named equally fast. We propose that semantic and phonological disambiguation of unvoweled words in Hebrew is achieved in parallel to the lexical decision, but is not required by it. Naming Hebrew words usually requires a readout of phonemic information from the lexicon.     

Mastery pleasure versus mere ownership: A quasi-experimental cross-cultural and cross-alphabetical test of the name letter effect

Four studies test both the alternative explanation advanced by Hoorens and Todorova (1988) for Nuttin's (1984, 1985, 1987) name letter effect (NLE), and two interpretations for an unexplained finding of the former authors. Flemish, Hungarian and Thai children show an increasing rather than a decreasing NLE over primary school grades (studies 1, 2 and 4). Thai university students and school children prefer own name letters in their ‘mother’ alphabet (Thai) but also in their second (Roman) alphabet (studies 3 and 4). All these results contradict the primacy of own name writing or mastery pleasure hypothesis. Independently of the time interval between the acquisition of both alphabets, a stronger NLE is found in the subjects ‘mother’ alphabet than in their second alphabet, contradicting a mitigated mastery pleasure explanation for the stronger NLE in one's ‘mother’ alphabet (Hoorens and Todorova, 1988). All the data are consistent with Nuttin's interpretation of the NLE in terms of the affective consequences of ‘mere ownership’. Finally, the striking generality of the NLE over languages, alphabets, and cultures is again demonstrated.     

Sex differences in phonological processes: Speeded matching and word reading

Sex differences in phonological processing were investigated in four experiments. Two experiments required college students to decide whether two five-letter strings matched. Same-case (AA) pairs of letter strings could be matched using physical features, whereas mixed-case (Aa) pairs of letter strings required the mediation of a speech-based code (letter name) for the comparison. Women were significantly faster than men when the comparisons required the speech-based codes. In another experiment, college students read lists of words and lists of pseudohomophones to determine whether there was a sex difference in the computation of phonology for unfamiliar words (assembled phonology). In a final experiment, students read lists of words with phonologically inconsistent spelling patterns to determine whether there was a sex difference in accessing pronunciations of familiar words (addressed phonology). Women were more proficient than men under both of these conditions. Results were interpreted in terms of a female advantage in both prelexical and lexical processing, an advantage that may stem from a sex difference in the quality of the phonological representations.     

An early electrophysiological response associated with expertise in letter perception

Expertise with print is likely to optimize visual processes for recognizing characters of a familiar writing system. Although brain activations have been identified for words and letter strings in contrast with other stimuli, relatively little work has focused on the neural basis of single-letter perception. English readers and Chinese-English bilinguals participated in an ERP study and performed a 1-back identity judgment on Roman letters, Chinese characters, pseudofonts, and their string versions. The Chinese-English bilinguals showed an enhanced N170 for both Roman letters and Chinese characters relative to pseudofonts. For the non-Chinese readers, the N170 amplitude was larger for Roman letters relative to Chinese characters and pseudofonts. Our results suggest that changes in relatively early visual processes underlie expert letter perception.     

The color of two alphabets for a multilingual synesthete

Interviews with a multilingual synesthete (MLS), who experiences colored letters for Roman and Cyrillic alphabets and for digits, revealed stable synesthetic experiences over 2 1/2 - 5 years. Colors of Cyrillic letters were based on Roman letters. Four Stroop tests involving both types of letters showed that MLS was able to name print color faster if the colors matched her synesthetic colors, showing that synesthesia is automatic. Letter-naming times for blocks of color were slower than those of actual letters, supporting unidirectionality of synesthesia. Stroop tests with Roman, but not Cyrillic, letters showed MLS acquired new temporary letter-color pairings and her color-naming times for these were not different from those for her original synesthetic colors.     

Familiarity affects visual processing of words.

While previous research has demonstrated that words can be processed more rapidly and/or more accurately than random strings of letters, it has not been convincingly demonstrated that the superior processing of words is a visual effect. In the present experiment, the cases of letters were manipulated in letter strings that were to be compared on the basis of physical identity. Mean response time was shorter for words than for nonwords even for pairs of letter strings that differed only in case (e.g., site-site). This finding implies that the advantage of words over nonwords (the familiarity effect) typically observed in the simultaneous matching task is not due solely to comparison of either the word names or the letter names and, thus, that at least part of the familiarity effect must be due to more rapid formation and/or comparison of visual representations of the two letter strings when they are words. Further analysis failed to reveal a significant involvement of phonemic or lexical codes in the comparison judgments.     

Learning of letter names follows similar principles across languages: Evidence from Hebrew

Letter names play an important role in early literacy. Previous studies of letter name learning have examined the Latin alphabet. The current study tested learners of Hebrew, comparing their patterns of performance and types of errors with those of English learners. We analyzed letter-naming data from 645 Israeli children who had not begun formal reading instruction: a younger group (mean age 5 years 2 months) and an older group (mean age 6 years 2 months). Children's errors often involved letters with similar shapes or letters adjacent to one another in the alphabet. Most Hebrew letter names are not very similar to one another phonologically, and there were fewer phonologically based confusions than in English. We found both general frequency effects and frequency effects that reflected the letters in individual children's names. On average, girls knew more letter names than did boys. The results suggest that letter name learning follows similar principles across languages.     

Resolving syntactic category ambiguity: An eye-movement analysis

In two experiments, participants' eye movements were monitored as they read sentences containing biased syntactic category ambiguous words with either distinct (e.g., duck) or related (e.g., burn) meanings or unambiguous control words. In Experiment 1, prior context was consistent with either the dominant or subordinate interpretation of the ambiguous word. The subordinate bias effect was absent for the ambiguous words in gaze duration measures. However, effects of ambiguity did emerge in other measures for the ambiguous words preceded by context supporting the subordinate interpretation. In Experiment 2, context preceding the target words was neutral. Ambiguity effects only arose when posttarget context was consistent with the subordinate interpretation of the ambiguous words, indicating that readers initially selected the dominant interpretation. Results support immediate theories of syntactic category ambiguity resolution, but also suggest that recovery from misanalysis of syntactic category ambiguity is more difficult than for lexical-semantic ambiguity in which alternate interpretations do not cross syntactic category.     

Color aftereffect contingent on text

During adaptation, two different letter strings (each five or six letters) were presented to subjects alternately, one in green and the other in magenta. The extent to which these letter strings subsequently elicited a color aftereffect was assessed. In different experiments, the chromatic letter strings consisted of words and nonwords. The results indicated that letter strings that form English words can contingently elicit a color aftereffect. This was the case even when the words were anagrams. There was no evidence that nonword letter strings could contingently elicit such an aftereffect, even when the nonwords conformed to English orthography. The results are relevant to understanding other contingent color aftereffects (McCollough effects), illusory color noted by computer operators who work at monochrome (green or amber) displays, and the processing of text.     

Letter processing in the visual system: different activation patterns for single letters and strings

One would expect that a lifetime of experience recognizing letters would have an important influence on the visual system. Surprisingly, there is limited evidence of a specific neural response to letters over visual control stimuli. We measured brain activation during a sequential matching task using isolated characters (Roman letters, digits, and Chinese characters) and strings of characters. We localized the visual word form area (VWFA) by contrasting the response to pseudowords against that for letter strings, but this region did not show any other sign of visual specialization for letters. In addition, a left fusiform area posterior to the VWFA was selective for letter strings, whereas a more anterior left fusiform region showed selectivity for single letters. The results of different analyses using both large regions of interest and inspections of individual patterns of response reveal a dissociation between selectivity for letter strings and selectivity for single letters. The results suggest that reading experience fine-tunes visual representations at different levels of processing. An important conclusion is that the processing of nonpronounceable letter strings cannot be assumed to be equivalent to single-letter perception.     

Semantic interference from subliminal stimuli in a dichoptic viewing situation

In Expt 1 subjects named words, shapes or colours presented to one eye while words or shapes were presented to the other eye subliminally. The subliminal stimuli were found to slow naming responses when they had the same name as the stimulus to be named or a closely related name, compared with random letter strings or blank cards. This result was replicated in a second experiment which also included unrelated words as subliminal stimuli. On these trials latencies were midway between those for trials with blank cards or random letter strings as the subliminal stimuli, and trials with the same name or a closely related name as the subliminal stimuli. The results imply that stimuli related in meaning compete for common analysing mechanisms.     

Phonology and orthography in reading aloud

This study investigated the orthographic and phonological contribution of visually masked primes to reading aloud in Dutch. Although there is a relatively clear mapping between the spelling and sound of words in Dutch, words starting with the letter c are ambiguous as to whether they begin with the phoneme /S/ (e.g., citroen, “lemon”) or with the phoneme /k/ (e.g., complot, “conspiracy”). Therefore, using words of this type, one can tease apart the contributions of orthographic and phonological activation in reading aloud. Dutch participants read aloud bisyllabic c-initial target words, which were preceded by visually masked, bisyllabic prime words that either shared the initial phoneme with the target (phonologically related) or the first grapheme (orthographically related) or both (phonologically and orthographically related). Unrelated primes did not share the first segment with the target. Response latencies in the phonologically related conditions were shorter than those in the unrelated condition. However, primes that were orthographically related did not speed up responses. One may conclude that the nature of the onset effect in reading aloud is phonological and not orthographic.     

Automatic and pre-lexical computation of phonology in visual word identification

Abstract

Two experiments were conducted to evaluate the hypothesis that identification of a visually presented word involves phonological information that is activated pre-lexically and automatically. A backward masking paradigm was used in which a word target was followed by a pseudoword mask, followed in turn by a non-linguistic pattern mask. The stimulus materials were Serbo-Croatian. The pseudoword mask could share all but one phoneme in common with the target, or none; moreover, it could be printed in the same alphabet as the target (e.g. both stimuli printed in Cyrillic), or in the other alphabet (e.g. target in Cyrillic, mask in Roman). Word targets were always lower case, and pseudoword masks were always upper case. It was assumed that where a mask shares phonological information with the target it can compensate for the interruption in processing by continuing the activation of the phoneme units activated by the target. Such an effect would be pre-lexical because the phoneme units activated by the mask would be those activated previously during the incomplete processing of the target. Both experiments, using different onset asynchronies among the stimuli, found significantly higher levels of target identification for homophonous masking than for non-homophonous masking, in agreement with similar studies using English materials. It was also shown that alphabet congruity affected the magnitude of the phonological effect in a direction that supported an hypothesis of inhibition of the letter processing units of one alphabet by the unique letters of the other alphabet. The results were discussed in terms of phonology's role in mediating lexical access in Serbo-Croatian and English. and in terms of a network model of visual word identification in Serbo-Croatian.     

Whole-word units are used before orthographic knowledge in perceptual development

A visual search task for target letters in multiletter displays was used to investigate information-processing differences between college students and presecond-grade children (mean age = 7 years, 4 months). The stimulus displays consisted of single words, pronounceable pseudowords, and unpronounceable nonwords varying in length from three to five letters. The mean response times for indicating whether or not a target letter occurred in the display increased with the number of display letters for both groups, although there were apparent differences between groups in the rate of search and type of search strategy used. Pre-second-grade children responded faster to word displays than to pseudoword and nonword displays, indicating that familiar letter strings could be processed faster than unfamiliar strings regardless of whether or not the latter were consistent with rules of English orthography. In contrast, college students processed words and pseudowords about equally well, and both resulted in faster responses than nonwords. As reading skills develop, children apparently come to process familiar words differently from other letter strings. Only after a significant sightword vocabulary is established do children seem to recognize the regularities of standard English orthography and make use of this knowledge to facilitate perceptual processes.