Prior exercise of freedom and reactance

A communication that contains a particularly strong intent to influence caneasily lose persuasive impact or even bring about a “boomerang” effect. Such “boomerang” phenomena have often been attributed to “psychological reactance”, a motivational state created when freedoms are threatened or usurped. The first experiment reported here examined two factors that inhibited reactance effects. (A) The more that subjects were in initial disagreement with the communicator, the less likely they were to respond with boomerang change to a high pressure communication. (B) Among subjects who initially agreed with the communicator, a successful blocking of reactance effects was produced by asking them to write a short precommunication essay taking a position contrary to the communication. This latter effect was replicated in Experiment II.     

Reacting to reactance: An Interpersonal interpretation of the need for freedom

This study was designed to investigate the conditions under which the negative consequences of social influence attempts can be mitigated by freedom-affirming interventions. Eighty-eight high school girls received an influence message, presumably written by a co-worker, containing either a threat or a promise. In addition, subjects were or were not given a choice option as to mode of compliance, if they chose to comply with the message. In half the cases, the Interpersonal condition, subjects received their choice/no choice option from their co-worker; in the other half of the cases, the Noninterpersonal condition, subjects were assigned the choice/no choice option by a random event unknown to the influencing agent. As anticipated, in the Interpersonal as compared to the Noninterpersonal condition, (a) threats produced greater compliance when a choice was offered than when it was not, and (b) promises and threats were more equivalent in gaining compliance when a choice was offered than when it was not. These results, which suggest that in a social setting individuals' concerns about freedom are interpersonally motivated, are discussed in terms of their relation to and implications for reactance theory.     

Learned helplessness versus reactance: The effects of sex-role stereotypy

Both learned helplessness and reactance theories hypothesize that the effects of noncontingent reinforcement on later performance are related to the amount of experience with noncontingent reinforcement and to the subjects' expectations of control. In addition, learned helplessness theorists have suggested that performance may depend upon the causes to which subjects ascribe failure. The present study investigated these hypotheses by defining expectation of control as the degree of sex-role stereotypy and by assessing causal attributions. Forty men and 40 women were given either zero, three, four, five, or six discrimination problems for which they received noncontingent reinforcement; they were subsequently tested on anagrams and math problems. Causal attributions were rated after each set of tasks. The data suggested the following. (1) In general, under conditions of noncontingency, high masculinity subjects performed better on anagrams and low masculinity subjects performed worse on anagrams than subjects in the control conditions; stereotypic femininity was not related to performance. (2) Ratings of attributions for failing the discrimination problems were generally unrelated to performance, although there was weak support for the facilitating effects of effort attributions. (3) Subsequent to anagram and math performance, women rated external attributions higher following success and internal attributions higher following failure than did men. The implications for learned helplessness and reactance theories are discussed.The authors would like to thank Stephen Haynes and Jack McKillip for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper.     

When timeliness matters: the effect of status on reactions to perceived time delay within distributed collaboration

This research examines the interactive effects of status and perceived time delay on acceptance of partner knowledge contributions within a distributive collaboration work environment. Results across 2 studies suggest that within distributed collaboration, time delays attributed to low-status partners had a significantly more harmful effect on influence acceptance than time delay attributed to high-status partners. This was so, despite the fact that partners' actual behavior was held constant across experimental conditions. In addition, results indicate that judgments of partner competence significantly mediated the interactive effects of perceived time delay and partner status on acceptance of partner influence.     

Retribution and emotional regulation: The effects of time delay in angry economic interactions

Individuals driven by negative emotions often punish non-cooperators at a cost to themselves. The current research demonstrates that, although time delays can attenuate this effect, they can also produce unintended consequences. Five experiments investigated the effects of time delays and thought patterns on punishments in direct and third party interactions. The results show that time delays decreased punishment (Experiment 1) by reducing negative emotions (Experiments 2A and 2B). However, thought patterns during a delay were crucially important (Experiments 3A and 3B): People who engaged in a distraction task punished less; people who engaged in affective rumination punished more; and people who engaged in cognitive reappraisal were unaffected by a delay. These differences meant that, after a time delay, affective ruminators administered greater punishments than cognitive reappraisers or distracted individuals. Implications of these findings for managing punitive impulses via time delays are discussed.     

Psychological reactance and the attractiveness of unobtainable objects: Sex differences in children's responses to an elimination of freedom

This study examined possible sex and age differences in children's perceptions of the attractiveness of unobtainable and obtained objects. Using an experimental paradigm developed by Hammock and J. Brehm (1966), half of the male and female first-grade and sixth-grade subjects were led to expect to choose between two objects; the other half were told they would be given one of two objects, but were not led to expect to choose between these objects. After subjects ranked an array of 10 objects, all subjects were given their third-ranked object and denied their fourth-ranked object. No subject was given any opportunity to indicate a preference or make a choice between these two alternatives. As predicted, subjects' subsequent rankings of the objects differed according to sex. Male subjects behaved in accordance with theoretical predictions based on J. Brehm's theory of psychological reactance and, thus, replicated the results obtained by Hammock and Brehm. The behavior of female subjects did not conform to the reactance theory model. No age differences were predicted and none were obtained. The implications of these results for predicting whether an unobtainable object will become more or less attractive, and for the nature and extent of sex differences in children's responses to the loss of behavioral freedoms, are discussed.     

The effects of distinctiveness,presentation time and delay on face recognition

Abstract

The distinctiveness of a face has been found to be an important factor in face recognition. We investigated the effect of the distinctiveness of a face upon subjects' speed and accuracy of recognition following different presentation times and retention intervals. It was found that (1) hits decreased with increasing delay; (2) false alarms increased and d primes decreased with a presentation time of 1 sec compared with 5 sec; (3) distinctive faces received more hits and higher d primes than non-distinctive faces; and (4) response latencies were shorter for distinctive targets than for distinctive distraction or non distinctive targets or distractors. These results were discussed in terms of the literature on the distinctiveness effect in face recognition.     

When ostracism leads to aggression: The moderating effects of control deprivation

We hypothesized that increasing or decreasing levels of control in an ostracized individual could moderate aggressive responding to ostracism. Participants were either ostracized or included in a spontaneous game of toss, and then exposed to a series of blasts of aversive noise, the onsets over which they had either control or no control. Aggression was defined as the amount of hot sauce participants allocated to a stranger, knowing the stranger did not like hot foods, but would have to consume the entire sample. Ostracized participants without control allocated more than four times as much sauce as any other group; ostracized participants who experienced restored control were no more aggressive than either of the groups who were included. Aggressive responding to ostracism may depend on the degree to which control needs are threatened in the target, and is discussed in terms of Williams’s (2001) needs threat model of ostracism.     

In a context of time: the impact of delay and exposure time on the emergence of memory context effects

Psychological Research - Research on context-mediated facilitation of recognition memory distinguishes between the effects of reinstating the exact same context previously associated with a target...     

Locus of control and the ability to tolerate gratification delay: When it is better to be an external

An experiment was conducted to investigate the relationship between the locus of control orientation of fourth-grade children and delay frustration experienced in self-imposed and externally imposed delay situations. Time estimation was used as the index of delay frustration, with greater time estimates being interpreted as indicating greater frustration. In a self-imposed delay situation, external subjects estimated a 5-min delay to be longer than did internal subjects, while in an externally imposed delay situation, internal subjects estimated a 5-min delay to be longer than did external subjects. The implications of the findings for an understanding of both the locus of control dimension and delay behavior are discussed.     

Event memory: the effects of processing objectives and time delay on memory for action sequences

The memorial representations of events that result from different types of goal-directed cognition are conceptualized on the basis of the general model of information processing proposed by Wyer and Srull (1980, 1984). In a test of this conceptualization, subjects read a passage describing the events that took place at a cocktail party. They were told either (a) to form an impression of the party and the events that occurred, (b) to empathize with the person from whose perspective the passage was written, or (c) to remember the information presented in a way that would allow them to reproduce it. The stimulus passage contained two target events, each consisting of actions that were either described chronologically or in reverse order, and were either presented together or were separated by other unrelated material. After either a short or a long delay, subjects recalled the information they read in the order it came to mind. Finally, subjects were given the individual event actions and told to place them in the order they were presented. The actions comprising target events were generally more likely to be recalled together and in chronological order when subjects had learned about them with either an impression formation or an empathy objective than when they had read about them with the goal of remembering them. However, orderings of these actions were affected by task objectives only after a long delay. The effect of task objectives on the order of recalling the events themselves showed a quite different pattern; for example, subjects with an empathy objective were most likely to recall the last target event presented before the first one after a long delay, whereas subjects with an impression objective were least likely to do so. The proposed model provided a reasonable account of these and other effects of task objectives on memory for events and the actions comprising them.     

Direct and vicarious censure in the control of interracial aggression1

An experiment explored the relative effectiveness of two strategies for controlling interracial aggression: observing other individuals censured for aggression and potential direct censure of the aggressor himself. Subjects were provided with an opportunity to aggress under conditions designed to maximize or reduce each type of censure. A principal components analysis of the data revealed two orthogonal variates: direct aggression and indirect aggression. It was found that both observed censure and potential direct censure were effective in modifying directly aggressive responses. However, these forms of censure interacted in their effect on indirect aggression, such that observed censure was effective in reducing indirect aggression only under conditions of potential direct censure.     

The effects of vicarious experience on pain termination and work avoidance: a replication

Clinical research suggests that vicarious experience plays an important role in the development of pain behavior but only one experimental study has shown that prior exposure to a model's reaction to a pain stimulus affects a subject's subsequent reaction to that stimulus. The purpose of the present investigation was to replicate this experimental study. Twenty-two experimental subjects viewed a film of a model in pain who either terminated a work task quickly (high-avoidant) or not quickly (low-avoidant). Subjects then performed the same work task while exposed to the same pain stimulus. The results indicated that subjects exposed to the high-avoidant model tolerated the pain stimulus for significantly fewer seconds and did significantly less work compared to the low-avoidant model subjects. As predicted, no group differences were observed on work speed or work accuracy. The results provide further evidence for the role of vicarious processes in the development of reactions to painful stimuli.     

Children's memory of events: effects of stress,age, time delay and location of interview

To examine the ability of children aged between 4 and 12 years to recall a stressful event (venipuncture) compared with a non-stressful event (demonstration of venipuncture), recall was tested after 6–8 weeks. Half also had recall tested after 2–7 days. Testing took place where the stressful event occurred (n=122) or at a neutral location (n=127). Children who experienced the stressful event were less likely to give inaccurate responses in free recall or to acquiesce to suggestive misleading questions. Apart from incorrect responses in free recall, correct responses increased and incorrect responses decreased with increasing age. Recall after 2–7 days was superior to recall after 6–8 weeks. Those who had an early and a late interview had better recall at the late interview than those who had a late interview only. The location of interview showed no effects on recall. © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Implementation intentions: control of fear despite cognitive load

The cognitive consequences of forming implementation intentions in controlling fear were addressed in the present study. Participants with an intense fear of spiders evaluated pictures of spiders, pleasant pictures, and neutral pictures under cognitive load. Regulatory control was measured by participants' self-report ratings of the pictures on the Self-Assessment Manikins Scales. Only participants given implementation intentions reported weaker negative emotional responses to the pictures of spiders as compared to participants given a goal intention and to no-goal control participants. Thus, emotional control by implementation intentions was shown not to tax a person's cognitive resources, attesting to the automatic nature of this self-regulation strategy.     

Restrictive conditions for the occurrence of psychological reactance: Interpersonal attraction,need for social approval,and a delay factor

The purpose of the present experiment was to show that the occurrence of psychological reactance is diminished when a person a) estimates the freedom eliminating source of social influence as highly attractive, and b) shows strong need for social approval and that c) psychological reactance might be stored up when the actual freedom eliminating social influence is too strong. In an experiment with 3 phases female students served as Ss. Two partners (S and stooge) had to decide whether or not to answer an item from a set of everyday questions with two choice alternatives. In the case of a positive decision they had to give their judgments covertly. In the first phase the S decided whether to answer or not; then the stooge urged the S not to answer a special set of questions. In the second phase the stooge announced her decision whether to answer a question or not and she left out the ‘crucial’ items. In the third phase the S answered the items alone since the stooge left the room for a short time having good reasons. The independent variables were interpersonal attraction: high vs. low (manipulated by instruction) and social desirability: high vs. low (measured by median split-half of the scores of a German version of the Marlowe-Crowne-scale). Reactance was measured as the number of answers to the crucial items in phase 3 in relation to the previous phases. The delay effect of psychological reactance was tested by a comparison of answers in phase 2 and 3. The data lent support to the first (attraction) and third (delay) experimental hypotheses stated.     

Modeling,vicarious reinforcement and extraversion on blood donating in adults: Immediate and long-term effects

Studied the immediate and long-term effects of modeling on adult altruism using a quasi field experiment in a naturalistic setting. Forty-three female trainee occupational therapists aged 18-21 observed or did not observe a female model volunteer to donate blood. Modeling significantly increased the number of female observers who (a) also agreed to donate and (b) in turn actually gave their blood. The opportunity to donate blood occurred in a naturalistic situation on average six weeks after the commitment. It was concluded that observing a model could produce generalizable and durable behavior change in adults using an altruistic behavior of some cost to the individual. Personality and vicarious reinforcement effects however were not found.