The efficacy of all-positive management as a function of the prior use of negative consequences

Previous work suggests that an all-positive approach to child management can be effective. The present investigation extends these findings by examining the efficacy of an enhanced all-positive management system in the absence of a history of negative consequences. The on-task behavior and academic performance of 8 first- through third-grade children with academic and/or behavioral problems were observed in the classroom. Results indicated that, in the absence of a history of negative consequences, enhanced positive consequences were not sufficient to maintain on-task rates or academic accuracy at acceptable levels. The addition of negative consequences resulted in an immediate increase in on-task behavior and academic accuracy; a primarily positive approach appeared to be successful in maintaining these gains following the gradual (as opposed to abrupt) removal of the negative consequences.     

Effects of reprimands and praise on appropriate behavior in the classroom

The effects of positive consequences on appropriate behavior at the beginning of a classroom experience were examined during an academic program for students with behavioral and academic difficulties. The results showed that the use of reprimands alone was associated with high levels of on-task behaviors during the initial days of the class. The addition of praise produced no change in the rate of on-task behaviors or the level of academic performance. The withdrawal of all consequences caused significant decreases in on-task behavior and academic productivity. The subsequent use of praise alone led to an initial increase followed by a dramatic decline in on-task performance, resulting in no change in the average rate of on-task behavior relative to the use of no consequences. These results are consistent with previous findings indicating the importance of reprimands for maintaining appropriate classroom behavior. Speculations regarding potential roles of praise are briefly discussed.The authors wish to thank classroom teacher Bonnie Chatterton for her exceptional cooperation and effort, Mark Gunning for his valuable assistance in the data collection, and Ann Abramowitz for her helpful editorial comments.     

The importance of prudent negative consequences for maintaining the appropriate behavior of hyperactive students

Teachers use both positive and negative consequences to influence classroom behaviors. Four experiments were conducted to examine the differential affects of these two types of consequences on the maintenance of appropriate behaviors of hyperactive children. Results of Experiment 1 showed that the use of both positive and negative consequences (combined) was associated with high levels of on-task behaviors. Withdrawal of negative consequences caused a significant and dramatic decrease in on-task performance. The withdrawal of positive consequences produced no change in the rate of on-task behaviors. In Experiments 2, 3, and 4, the on-task results of Experiment 1 were replicated using a different teacher, different children, a counterbalanced design, longer phases, and different types of negative consequences. The withdrawal of negative consequences led to decreases in productivity in Experiment 2. The results of Experiment 3 also suggested that a prudent (e.g., calm, concrete, and consistent) approach to discipline was more effective than an imprudent (e.g., loud, emotional, and inconsistent) approach. Some level of mild negative consequences for inappropriate behavior is an important ingredient in effective classroom management, and qualitatively different negative consequences may have drastically different effects on the behavior of hyperactive students.This research was supported in part by a grant from the Middle Country Central School District No. 11, Centereach, New York, to the second author. We are grateful for the district's continued support. In addition, the authors wish to thank K. Daniel O' Leary for his helpful editorial comments.     

A Comparison of Teacher and Parent Delivered Consequences: Improving Classroom Behavior in Low-Income Children with ADHD

Both teacher and parent delivered consequences have been shown to be effective in improving the classroom behavior of children with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). However, there is a delay between the behavior and delivery of parent provided consequences. The delay may make the consequences less salient and effective, for children with ADHD. The current study compared the effectiveness of parent delivered consequences (PC) to teacher delivered consequences (TC) for increasing academic performance and appropriate classroom behavior in African American, low income, elementary students with ADHD. Results indicate that the two interventions are equally effective in improving children's on-task behavior and classwork productivity.     

Daily Behavior Report Cards with and without Home-Based Consequences: Improving Classroom Behavior in Low Income,African American Children with ADHD

Daily Behavior Report Cards (DBRC), which typically require teachers to evaluate students' daily behavior and parents to provide contingent consequences, are an effective and acceptable method for improving children's classroom behavior. The current study evaluated whether parent involvement is an essential treatment component or whether teacher feedback alone would be sufficient to produce children's behavior changes. The effectiveness of DBRC with teacher feedback to students and parent delivered consequences (PC) was compared to teacher feedback to students only (no parent delivered consequences, NPC) for increasing appropriate classroom behavior and academic productivity in African American, low income, elementary school children with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). Both treatments led to increased on-task behavior, although PC was superior to NPC. Academic productivity outcomes are less clear. Treatment implications and future directions for research on teacher feedback interventions are discussed.     

SELF-INSTRUCTIONAL TRAINING TO INCREASE INDEPENDENT WORK PERFORMANCE IN PRESCHOOLERS

The generalized effects of self-instructional training on the classroom performance of three “impulsive” preschool children were investigated using a multiple-baseline design across subjects. Measures of child and teacher behavior in the classroom were obtained through direct observations during a daily independent work period. Self-instructional training followed Meichenbaum and Goodman's (1971) approach, except that training materials consisted of naturalistic task worksheets rather than psychometric test items and training sessions were of shorter duration. For all three children, self-instructional training resulted in increased levels of accuracy on worksheets in the classroom that were similar to those used in training. Results related to several supplementary measures were less clear; however, they suggested that rates of on-task behavior may also have improved, and that a mild classroom intervention further strengthened on-task rates and effected consistent work completion for all three children. The findings suggested that generalized increases in accuracy on classroom worksheets were related to the naturalistic format of the self-instructional training sessions. The level of teacher attention was controlled to rule out its effect on changes in child behavior.     

Relations Between Instructional Practices and On-Task Behavior in Classrooms Serving American Indian Students

Achievement disparities between American Indian students and non-American Indian peers are persistent and well documented. Student engagement is a promising target for intervention given its relation to academic achievement. This study investigated the relation between specific teacher practices (opportunities to respond [OTRs], praise, and reprimands) and classroom on-task behavior in an urban, public K–8 school that serves primarily American Indian students. OTRs and praise were positively associated with student on-task behavior, whereas reprimands were negatively associated with on-task behavior. Results from multilevel logistic regression indicated that OTRs significantly increased the likelihood that a classroom was highly on-task, whereas the reprimands significantly decreased the likelihood. Praise did not have a significant effect after controlling for the other variables in the model. Results are interpreted in a context of evidence-based instructional practices for increasing OTRs and praise, decreasing reprimands, and ultimately enhancing on-task behavior in an urban classrooms serving primarily American Indian youth.     

INDIRECT FACILITATION OF ON-TASK BEHAVIOR PRODUCED BY CONTINGENT FREE-TIME FOR ACADEMIC PRODUCTIVITY1

This study investigated the relationship between on-task behavior and the academic performance of three low achieving and disruptive children in an elementary school special-education class. A number of researchers have postulated that the direct elimination of off-task or disruptive behavior is a necessary prior requirement when increases in academic performance are sought in special-education classrooms composed of low achievers with below-average socioeconomic environments. The present research program investigated this issue and measured the incidence of on-task behavior and its relationship to changes in the performance of a variety of academic tasks brought about by the opportunity to engage in daily free-time activities. Three children from a class of eight “educably mentally handicapped” students were chosen as target subjects, as their repertoires seemed to be especially defective. These children were observed by the first author for 90-minute sessions three days a week, and data regarding on-task behavior were obtained by the use of an interval recording technique. In conjunction with the teacher, the first author also monitored the academic performance of the children in six structured activities—answer completion from boardwork instructions, task completion from handout assignments, comprehension of reading assignments and vocabulary recognition, accuracy of direction-following to audiotaped instructions, quality of copied handwriting, and the matching of appropriate phonetic sounds to pictured objects and situations. Following baseline sessions during which both on-task and academic performance was measured, several experimental sessions were conducted during which free-time was given noncontingently. During these sessions, no reliable changes in student performance were observed. Subsequently, the teacher and experimenters defined a specified percentage of correct completion of each of the six categories of skill performance as necessary for the achievement of the free-time reinforcer, during each experimental session. As a result, both the academic productivity and the on-task measures of behavior were observed to increase, even though reinforcement was not directly contingent upon on-task behavior. The subsequent reinstitution of noncontingent free-time was followed by lower rates of both output and on-task behavior. The final reintroduction of contingent free-time for academic productivity again produced substantial increases in both work accomplished correctly and on-task behavior. Corresponding increases in productivity were noted for most nontarget children as well. While the present investigation has shown a high correspondence between productivity and on-task behavior, we must keep in mind that on-task behavior can be defined in many different ways. It remains possible that differences in the degree of correlation between outcome measures and the topography of “work” activity may relate to the degree to which the specific on-task behaviors measured are actually required for the outcome behavior. The failure of many researchers to identify a direct relationship between “appearances” and output may be inherently a measurement problem.     

Direct and collateral effects of positive reinforcement,response cost,and mixed contingencies for academic performance

The relative effects of positive reinforcement, response cost, and the two contingencies combined when used as contingencies for correct academic responses were compared on the dependent measures of accuracy of academic performance and level of on-task behavior. Thirty-three fourth- and fifth-grade pupils served as subjects. A combination of between-group and within-group comparisons indicated that all three contingency systems increased academic performance and on-task behavior (even though on-task behavior was never directly reinforced), but differences in effectiveness between the systems were insignificant. Most importantly, treatment effects on academic performance and on-task behavior persisted following abrupt withrawal of treatments for all three contingency systems. These results confirm earlier speculations that the reinforcement of academic behavior is (a) more likely to positively influene both academic and on-task behavior than in reinforcement of on-task behavior, and (b) is much more resistant to extinction following abrupt termination of the program.     

DIFFERENTIAL EFFECTS OF SELF-MONITORING ATTENTION,ACCURACY, AND PRODUCTIVITY

Effects of self-monitoring on-task behavior, academic productivity, and academic accuracy were assessed with 6 elementary-school students with learning disabilities in their general education classroom using a mathematics task. Following baseline, the three self-monitoring conditions were introduced using a multiple schedule design during independent practice sessions. Although all three interventions yielded improvements in either arithmetic productivity, accuracy, or on-task behavior, self-monitoring academic productivity or accuracy was generally superior. Differential results were obtained across age groups: fourth graders' mathematics performance improved most when self-monitoring productivity, whereas sixth graders' performance improved most when self-monitoring accuracy.     

The Effects of Self-Monitoring on Children's Classroom Behavior

A multiple baseline design across three third-grade boys was used to determine the effectiveness of self-monitoring as an intervention tool in the classroom setting. The differential effectiveness of self-monitoring the correctness of answers to arithmetic problems and of self-monitoring on-task behavior was determined by an alternating-treatments design for each boy. Self-monitoring academic accuracy or on-task behavior produced comparable effects. Self-monitoring increased on-task behavior for all three subjects. Self-monitoring increased the rate of completion of arithmetic problems for two of the three subjects. Self-monitoring did not affect academic accuracy in a consistent manner. These results are discussed in light of the instruction and motivational aspects of self-monitoring.     

Behavioral self-control in classroom settings: A review of the literature

Reviews the research on the use of behavioral self-control procedures with students in classroom settings. Thirteen published articles are reviewed. The three student classroom behaviors of on-task behavior, disruptive behavior, and academic behavior are considered. The use of behavioral self-control procedures appears promising with on-task and academic behaviors and inconclusive with disruptive behavior. The reviewed studies were weak regarding follow-up analyses and controlling for student prior experience with external contigency programs. Further research with behavioral self-control in different settings seems warranted.     

Effects of Self-Monitoring on On-Task Behaviors of At-Risk Middle School Students

The purposes of this study were to evaluate the effects of self-monitoring on increasing the on-task behaviors of four at-risk middle school students, and to examine its indirect effects on academic performance. Additionally, we attempted to develop and validate cost- and time-efficient procedures that typical classroom teachers could use. The data from a multiple baseline design across three academic settings, replicated with four students, revealed immediate increases in on-task behavior as each student began to self-monitor in each sequential setting. The data also revealed slightly higher levels of academic performance and, in most instances, gradually accelerating trends. These findings suggest that self-monitoring is a cost- and time-efficient procedure that classroom teachers can use to teach at-risk students to manage their own behaviors.     

Using self-monitoring to increase on-task behaviors of students with attention deficit hyperactivity disorders (ADHD) in inclusive classrooms in Turkey (Türkiye)

Self-monitoring interventions have been found to be effective in improving the on-task behaviors of students with a wide range of disabilities. However, there are ongoing limitations in the literature, including the (a) lack of planning in generalization and maintenance, (b) interventions are predominantly conducted in segregated settings, and (c) inadequate number of data points collected in each condition. In the current study, self-monitoring was used to improve the on-task behavior of three elementary school students with ADHD in inclusive classrooms in Turkey. A concurrent multiple-baseline across-participants design was used. Generalization and maintenance were programmed via sequential modification, partial withdrawal, and continuous data collection. Additionally, classroom teachers rated the students' overall classroom behaviors in each data collection session. Based on the visual and the effect size analyses (i.e., performance criteria-based effect size [PCES]), the intervention was effective in improving the students' on-task behaviors. The self-monitoring intervention had 1.18 (high effect), 1.06 (effective) in generalization, and 1.14 (effective) in the first maintenance set and 1.03 (effective) in the second maintenance data set. The teacher ratings aligned with the increased on-task behaviors of the students. Implications for practice are discussed.     

EFFECT OF CUEING ON SELF-CONTROL OF CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR

Behavioral self-control procedures, composed of self-assessment, self-recording, self-determination and administration of reinforcement, were introduced into a regular third-grade classroom immediately after a baseline period. The procedures produced a small and unstable increase in the level of on-task behavior in eight of the nine subjects. After a second baseline period, a cueing procedure was introduced, using a chart specifying on-task behavior. This enabled within-lesson changes in on-task behavior to be posted clearly for the children. The cueing procedure combined with the self-control procedures produced a high and stable increase in on-task behavior in all subjects.     

Increasing On-Task Behavior in Students in a Regular Classroom: Effectiveness of a Self-Management Procedure Using a Tactile Prompt

Self-management strategies have been shown to be widely effective. However, limited classroom-based research exists involving low performing but developmentally normal high school-aged participants. This study examined the effectiveness of a self-management strategy aimed at increasing on-task behavior in general education classrooms with students without a diagnosed disability, behavior disorder, or exceptionality. The self-management package included provision of a tactile prompt, training in self-monitoring and data recording, self-monitoring, and the plotting of the results on a cumulative graph. A multiple baseline design across three participants was used to evaluate the effects of the intervention. An increase in on-task behavior was observed with all participants on implementation of the self-management package, and questionnaire-based social validity findings suggest this was an acceptable and effective procedure for the classroom context. Limitations, implications, and future directions of these findings are discussed.     

Interdependent and independent group contingencies with immediate and delayed reinforcement for controlling classroom behavior

Group-oriented contingency systems have enjoyed widespread acceptability, use, and success in classroom settings. Despite their increased use, group contingency systems have at least two disadvantages. First, one or more students may spoil reinforcement for the rest of the class, and, second, the behavior of the entire class often deteriorates as a result of the loss of access to reinforcement. The present study investigated the use of an interdependent group contingency for on-task and disruptive behavior along with an independent group contingency for disruptive behavior to prevent children from spoiling group reinforcement. Immediate and delayed consequences were built into the program to circumvent behavioral deterioration. The results demonstrated that the combination of group contingency systems and immediate and delayed consequences were effective in reducing levels of off-task and disruptive behavior and in increasing on-task behavior. The findings were discussed in terms of the combination of treatment components, potential for generalization, the need for empirical research on social validity, and the practicality and effectiveness of this intervention package for psychologists in the schools.     

The Effects of Using Response Cards on Student Participation, Academic Achievement, and On-Task Behavior During Whole-Class, Math Instruction

This study evaluated the effects of using response cards during whole-group math instruction in a fourth-grade classroom, using an ABA research design. During both A and B conditions the classroom teacher conducted her math lessons as planned. However during the A conditions, hand-raising (HR) was in effect. That is, when the teacher asked a question she instructed the students to raise their hands and after each question she called on one student whose hand was raised. During the B condition, response cards (RC) were in effect. Whenever she asked a question, the teacher instructed the entire class to write their answers on individual response cards. After each question, the teacher instructed the entire class to hold up their RC. Data were collected on five students who represented the class range in general level of participation, academic skills, and on-task behavior. Results indicated that student participation, specifically the number of student-initiated opportunities to respond and the number of student responses were higher when using RC than when HR was in effect. Students scored higher on the weekly math quiz after the RC condition than after the HR conditions. The percentage of intervals that students were on-task also was higher when RC were used.     

The Electronic Home Note Program: An Internet-Based Intervention to Improve On-Task Behavior,Academic Performance,and Parental Review

The authors examined the effectiveness of the electronic home note program (EHNP). The program features an emailed version of the traditional home note intervention. In addition, the program uses motivational strategies for increasing rates of on-task behavior, academic productivity, and parent involvement. The authors used a multiple-probe, multiple-baseline design to evaluate implementation effects of the EHNP with four elementary-grade participants. Across all participants, there was an average Tau-U of 0.76 for on-task behavior, with gains maintained at two weeks postintervention. Inconsistent academic gains were found. Parent involvement was high, as most reviewed behavioral ratings data over the course of the intervention. Results also reflect high acceptability of the intervention program from parents, teachers, and participants.     

ACCURACY OF SELF-ASSESSMENT OF ON-TASK BEHAVIOR BY ELEMENTARY SCHOOL CHILDREN1

Being able to assess one's own performance would seem to be prerequisite to most forms of self-management. The present study investigated the extent to which children in a typical second-grade classroom could accurately assess their own academic on-task behavior. In essence, this investigation replicated an experiment by Glynn and Thomas (Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 1974, 7 , 299–306) and extended those findings, by studying self-assessment over a longer span of time. The 31 children in the class ranged in age from 7 yr five months to 8 yr six months. Although only eight “problem” children were observed and studied, the self-control treatment procedures were applied to all children in the class. Behavior was observed daily during mathematics lessons for over eight school weeks. The study utilized a five-phase ABABC design, where the A phases were baseline periods, B phases were self-control periods, and C phase was a postcheck. In the self-control phases, children were asked by the teacher to put a check on their own individual performance card if they were on-task when a signal sounded. If they were not on-task, they were instructed not to touch their card. Typically, 15 to 20 signals occurred per 40-min session. At the end of the lesson, children were allowed to choose games to play according to how many checks they had earned. During all experimental phases, observers measured children's on-task behavior. Other observers measured the children's accuracy of self-assessment in the self-control phases. The results showed noticeable increases in the daily mean on-task behavior scores in the self-control phases following baseline phases. Also, a high level of on-task behavior was maintained in the postcheck phase. The variances of on-task behavior scores during the self-control phases were noticeably smaller than those in the baseline phases. Generally, individual data reflected group results, with some minor differences. Levels of accuracy of self-assessment varied from very accurate (95% of the time) to relatively inaccurate (56% of the time). The overall level of accuracy for all children was 78%. No consistent individual pattern appeared across phases. Some children got better as the study proceeded and some got worse. Most subjects tended to give themselves too much reinforcement, rather than too little. Peer social surveillance appeared to be the major factor that influenced individuals' evaluation of their own behavior, even though the teacher did make some control remarks in regard to how the children marked their cards. The results also demonstrated that self-control techniques can increase on-task behavior in a classroom with no history of external reinforcement, and that these techniques can have a lasting effect for more than two months of a school year.