Prescribed spatial prepositions influence how we think about time

Prepositions combine with nouns flexibly when describing concrete locative relations (e.g. at/on/in the school) but are rigidly prescribed when paired with abstract concepts (e.g. at risk; on Wednesday; in trouble). In the former case they do linguistic work based on their discrete semantic qualities, and in the latter they appear to serve a primarily grammatical function. We used the abstract concept of time as a test case to see if specific grammatically prescribed prepositions retain semantic content. Using ambiguous questions designed to interrogate one’s meaningful representation of temporal relations, we found that the semantics of prescribed prepositions modulate how we think about time. Although prescribed preposition use is unlikely to be based on a core representational organization shared between space and time, results demonstrate that the semantics of particular locative prepositions do constrain how we think about paired temporal concepts.     

Spatial Semantics,Cognition, and Their Interaction: A Comparative Study of Spatial Categorization in English and Korean

This study has two goals. First, we present much‐needed empirical linguistic data and systematic analyses on the spatial semantic systems in English and Korean, two languages that have been extensively compared to date in the debate on spatial language and spatial cognition. We conduct our linguistic investigation comprehensively, encompassing the domains of tight‐ and loose‐fit as well as containment and support relations. The current analysis reveals both cross‐linguistic commonalities and differences: From a common set of spatial features, each language highlights a subset of those features for its principal categorization, and those primary features are importantly different between English and Korean: English speakers categorize events predominantly by containment and support relations (and do so with prepositions), whereas Korean speakers categorize them by tight‐fit and loose‐fit relations (and do so with verbs), with a further distinction of containment and support within the loose‐fit relation. The analysis also shows that the tight‐fit domain is more cross‐linguistically diverse in categorization than is the loose‐fit domain. Second, we test the language data against the nonlinguistic categorization results reported in Choi and Hattrup (2012). The results show a remarkable degree of convergence between the patterns predicted from the current linguistic analysis and those found in C&H's nonlinguistic study and thus provide empirical and strong evidence for an influence of language on nonlinguistic spatial cognition. At the same time, the study reveals areas where the two systems closely interact with each other as well as those where one is independent from the other. Taking both parts of the study together, we identify the specific roles that language and spatial perception/cognition play in spatial categorization.     

How verbs and non-verbal categories navigate the syntax/semantics interface: Insights from cognitive neuropsychology

We report on two individuals with acquired language impairment who made thematic role confusion errors in both comprehension and production. Their confusions were remarkably specific, affecting the roles associated with spatial prepositions (“The box is in the bag” confused with The bag is in the box) and adjectival comparatives (“The glove is darker than the hat” confused with The hat is darker than the glove) but not the roles associated with verbs (e.g., in The woman helps the man). Additional results showed that the confusions did not arise from spatial deficits, deficits affecting the semantics of spatial terms and adjectives, or difficulties with spatial and comparative relationships. Interestingly, the selective deficits are well-explained by linguistic theories that propose that non-verbal lexical categories, when used as predicates, depend on special mechanisms and structures for linking their thematic roles to syntactic argument structures. These are the first neuropsychological results to show that thematic role assignment is supported by distinct brain mechanisms for verbal and non-verbal lexical categories. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the linguistic knowledge associated with verbal vs. non-verbal word classes and of the conditions under which these forms of knowledge support sentence processing.     

Object-specific function,geometry, and the comprehension of in and on

Three experiments are reported which examined the relative effects of geometry and object-specific function on the comprehension of the spatial prepositions in and on. The first experiment manipulated the height of a located object on top of a pile of other objects in containers which were primarily containers of solids (e.g., a suitcase) or liquids (e.g., an aquarium). The association between located object and reference object was also varied (by using different types of objects as located objects). In was found to be more appropriate to describe the same object in containers of solids compared to containers of liquids, although no effects of located object association were found. Experiments 2 and 3 manipulated similar variables with supporting surfaces rather than containers, and examined the effects of functional control on the comprehension of on. The studies provide evidence for the importance of functional relations on the comprehension of on. In addition effects of located object association were found, but only when there was no clear evidence for the absence or presence of functional control. The results are discussed in relation to the differential effects of object knowledge on the comprehension of spatial prepositions.     

Ein psychologisch-onomasiologischer Ansatz zur Auffassung räumlicher Objektrelationen und ihrem sprachlichen Ausdruck: Inklusion und Kontakt

The human conception of spatial relations between objects from an onomasiological and psychological perspective: inclusion and contact Summary. In linguistic semantics, prepositions for spatial relations are considered highly polysemous. While in this field, a semasiological perspective, i.e. the analysis of meaning(s), is preferred, this paper offers a classification as well as a formal definition of the human conception of topological relations between objects from the perspective of onomasiology. It starts from the psychological assumption that objects are assigned both proper places and regions, the interrelations of which lead to nine distinguishable classes of relations between objects pertaining to inclusion and contact. Spatial expressions convey spatial relations on the basis of (or at least independent of) already cognized objects, they do not convey the conception of the related objects themselves. With respect to successful communication, therefore, the polysemy problem turns out to be less important. Zusammenfassung. Raumrelationale Präpositionen werden in der linguistischen Semantik als hochgradig polysem beschrieben. Der dort bevorzugten semasiologischen Bedeutungsanalyse wird aus einer onomasiologischen Perspektive eine Taxonomie der menschlichen kognitiven Auffassung topologischer Objektrelationen gegenübergestellt und formal definiert. Ausgangspunkt ist die psychologische Annahme, daß der Mensch Objekten Eigenörter und Regionen zuweist, aus deren Relationen sich neun unterscheidbare Klassen von Inklusions- und Kontaktrelationen zwischen Objekten ergeben. Da mit raumreferentiellen Ausdrücken Raumrelationen bei gegebener (oder zumindest von der verwendeten Präposition unabhängiger) Kognition der relatierten Objekte vermittelt werden und nicht die Auffassung der Objekte selbst, wird mit Blick auf eine gelingende Kommunikation das Polysemieproblem ein Stück weit 'entzaubert'.     

Looking for Wugs in all the Right Places: Children's Use of Prepositions in Word Learning

To help infer the meanings of novel words, children frequently capitalize on their current linguistic knowledge to constrain the hypothesis space. Children's syntactic knowledge of function words has been shown to be especially useful in helping to infer the meanings of novel words, with most previous research focusing on how children use preceding determiners and pronouns/auxiliary to infer whether a novel word refers to an entity or an action, respectively. In the current visual world experiment, we examined whether 28- to 32-month-olds could exploit their lexical semantic knowledge of an additional class of function words—prepositions—to learn novel nouns. During the experiment, children were tested on their ability to use the prepositions in, on, under, and next to to identify novel creatures displayed on a screen (e.g., The wug is on the table), as well as their ability to later identify the creature without accompanying prepositions (e.g., Look at the wug). Children overall demonstrated understanding of all the prepositions but next to and were able to use their knowledge of prepositions to learn the associations between novel words and their intended referents, as shown by greater-than chance looks to the target referent when no prepositional phrase was provided.     

Factors Affecting the Use of Dimensional Prepositions in German and American English: Object Orientation, Social Context, and Prepositional Pattern

Spatial language and the use of spatial prepositions has recently been intensively investigated. We add two novel aspects to the question of which frame of reference, i.e., the deictic or the intrinsic frame, is used when communicating about dimensional relations between objects. We restrict ourselves to the use of prepositions that refer to the first horizontal axis, i.e., in front of and behind in English, and vor and hinter in German, respectively, and report on a series of 16 experiments on the connection between the use of these prepositions and the indication of particular subspaces adjacent to reference objects in a traffic environment. First, we will show that an interaction between the intrinsic orientation of the reference object, the type of social situation in which spatial communication occurs, and the used language's pattern of prepositional word forms for temporal and spatiodimensional relations contributes to the proper prediction of the use of spatial prepositions. Second, we systematically consider production as well as interpretation of prepositions in two different languages in the same experimental setting, which allows for the estimation of communicative success. Here, it turns out that in German as well as in American English there are conditions in which speakers and listeners either agree or disagree on the chosen frame of reference; however, these conditions are different in the two languages investigated.     

Syntax response–space biases for hands,not feet

A number of studies have shown a relationship between comprehending transitive sentences and spatial processing (e.g., Chatterjee, Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 5(2), 55–61, 2001), in which there is an advantage for responding to images that depict the agent of an action to the left of the patient. Boiteau and Almor (Cognitive Science, 2016) demonstrated that a similar effect is found for pure linguistic information, such that after reading a sentence, identifying a word that had appeared earlier as the agent is faster on the left than on the right, but only for left-hand responses. In this study, we examined the role of lateralized manual motor processes in this effect and found that such spatial effects occur even when only the responses, but not the stimuli, have a spatial dimension. In support of the specific role of manual motor processes, we found a response-space effect with manual but not with pedal responses. Our results support an effector-specific (as opposed to an effector-general) hypothesis: Manual responses showed spatial effects compatible with those in previous research, whereas pedal responses did not. This is consistent with theoretical and empirical work arguing that the hands are generally involved with, and perhaps more sensitive to, linguistic information.     

Looking, language, and memory: Bridging research from the visual world and visual search paradigms

In the visual world paradigm as used in psycholinguistics, eye gaze (i.e. visual orienting) is measured in order to draw conclusions about linguistic processing. However, current theories are underspecified with respect to how visual attention is guided on the basis of linguistic representations. In the visual search paradigm as used within the area of visual attention research, investigators have become more and more interested in how visual orienting is affected by higher order representations, such as those involved in memory and language. Within this area more specific models of orienting on the basis of visual information exist, but they need to be extended with mechanisms that allow for language-mediated orienting. In the present paper we review the evidence from these two different – but highly related – research areas. We arrive at a model in which working memory serves as the nexus in which long-term visual as well as linguistic representations (i.e. types) are bound to specific locations (i.e. tokens or indices). The model predicts that the interaction between language and visual attention is subject to a number of conditions, such as the presence of the guiding representation in working memory, capacity limitations, and cognitive control mechanisms.     

Understanding spatial relations: flexible infants,lexical adults

Concepts of containment, support, and degree of fit were investigated using nonverbal, preferential-looking tasks with 9- to 14-month-old infants and adults who were fluent in either English or Korean. Two contrasts were tested: tight containment vs. loose support (grammaticized as 'in' and 'on' in English by spatial prepositions and 'kkita' and 'nohta' in Korean by spatial verbs) and tight containment vs. loose containment (both grammaticized as 'in' in English but separately as 'kkita' and 'nehta' in Korean). Infants categorized both contrasts, suggesting conceptual readiness for learning such spatial semantics in either language. English-speaking adults categorized tight containment vs. loose support, but not tight vs. loose containment. However, Korean-speaking adults were successful at this latter contrast, which is lexicalized in their language. The adult data suggest that some spatial relations that are salient during the preverbal stage become less salient if language does not systematically encode them.     

Grounded spatial belief revision

Beliefs frequently undergo revisions, especially when new pieces of information are true but inconsistent with current beliefs. In previous studies, we showed that linguistic asymmetries provided by relational statements, play a crucial role in spatial belief revision. Located objects (LO) are preferably revised compared to reference objects (RO), known as the LO-principle. Here we establish a connection between spatial belief revision and grounded cognition. In three experiments, we explored whether imagined physical object properties influence which object is relocated and which remains at its initial position. Participants mentally revised beliefs about the arrangements of objects which could be envisaged as light and heavy (Experiment 1), small and large (Experiment 2), or movable and immovable (Experiment 3). The results show that intrinsic object properties are differently taken into account during spatial belief revision. Object weight did not alter the LO-principle (Experiment 1), whereas object size was found to influence which object was preferably relocated (Experiment 2). Object movability did not affect relocation preferences but had an effect on relocation durations (Experiment 3). The findings support the simulation hypothesis within the grounded cognition approach and create new connections between the spatial mental model theory of reasoning and the idea of grounded cognition.     

Linguistic and non-linguistic spatial categorization

Three experiments examine the relation between linguistic and non-linguistic categorization of spatial relations. We compare linguistic and non-linguistic responses to the same spatial stimuli. Contrary to earlier claims in the literature (Hayward, W. G. & Tarr, M. J. (1995). Spatial language and spatial representation. Cognition, 55, 39-84), we find that linguistic and non-linguistic spatial categories do not correspond. Rather, they appear to have an inverse relation such that the prototypes of linguistic categories, such as 'above', are boundaries in non-linguistic spatial categorization. Evidence for this inverse relation comes from linguistic acceptability judgments and the pattern of bias in participants' reproductions of location. Our findings suggest that while linguistic and non-linguistic spatial organization rely on a common underlying structure, that structure may play different roles in the two organizational systems.     

Visual attention and the semantics of space: beyond central and peripheral cues

The distinction between central and peripheral cues has played an important role in understanding the functional nature of visual attention for the past 30 years. In the present article, we propose a new taxonomy that is based on linguistic categories of spatial relations. Within this framework, spatial cues are categorized as either "projective" or "deictic." Using an empirical diagnostic, we demonstrate that the word cues above, below, left, and right express projective spatial relations, whereas arrow cues, eye-gaze cues, and abrupt-onset cues express deictic spatial relations. Thus, the projective-versus-deictic distinction crosscuts the more traditional central-versus-peripheral distinction. The theoretical utility of this new distinction is discussed in the context of recent evidence suggesting that a variety of central cues can elicit reflexive orienting.     

Language-guided visual processing affects reasoning: The role of referential and spatial anchoring

Language is more than a source of information for accessing higher-order conceptual knowledge. Indeed, language may determine how people perceive and interpret visual stimuli. Visual processing in linguistic contexts, for instance, mirrors language processing and happens incrementally, rather than through variously-oriented fixations over a particular scene. The consequences of this atypical visual processing are yet to be determined. Here, we investigated the integration of visual and linguistic input during a reasoning task. Participants listened to sentences containing conjunctions or disjunctions (Nancy examined an ant and/or a cloud) and looked at visual scenes containing two pictures that either matched or mismatched the nouns. Degree of match between nouns and pictures (referential anchoring) and between their expected and actual spatial positions (spatial anchoring) affected fixations as well as judgments. We conclude that language induces incremental processing of visual scenes, which in turn becomes susceptible to reasoning errors during the language-meaning verification process.     

Fechner, information, and shape perception

How do retinal images lead to perceived environmental objects? Vision involves a series of spatial and material transformations—from environmental objects to retinal images, to neurophysiological patterns, and finally to perceptual experience and action. A rationale for understanding functional relations among these physically different systems occurred to Gustav Fechner: Differences in sensation correspond to differences in physical stimulation. The concept of information is similar: Relationships in one system may correspond to, and thus represent, those in another. Criteria for identifying and evaluating information include (a)?resolution, or the precision of correspondence; (b)?uncertainty about which input (output) produced a given output (input); and (c)?invariance, or the preservation of correspondence under transformations of input and output. We apply this framework to psychophysical evidence to identify visual information for perceiving surfaces. The elementary spatial structure shared by objects and images is the second-order differential structure of local surface shape. Experiments have shown that human vision is directly sensitive to this higher-order spatial information from interimage disparities (stereopsis and motion parallax), boundary contours, texture, shading, and combined variables. Psychophysical evidence contradicts other common ideas about retinal information for spatial vision and object perception.     

Forming a stable spatial representation

The visual system sometimes fails, partially or completely, to encode and/or retrieve spatial relations among parts of an object. For example, targets can easily be confused with their mirror images, especially when they must be retained in memory. In the current experiments we ask whether our representations of spatial relations can be amended by information from different cognitive domains. Specifically, we ask whether failure to form a stable representation of spatial relations among parts can be overcome by the use of linguistic information. Four year-olds saw squares split by color and matched them after delay. In Experiment 1, children saw the target and were told either “Look, this is a blicket” (Label Condition) or “Look!” (NoLabel Condition). Then, three choices appeared: the target (e.g. vertical split with red left, green right), its mirror image, and another square that had a different internal split (e.g. horizontal). Overall, children performed better than chance. However, their errors were almost exclusively mirror image confusions, suggesting that children failed to bind color and location (e.g. red left, green right). There was no difference between the NoLabel and Label conditions, suggesting the whole-object novel label did not help children form a stable representation of the spatial relation among the parts. Experiment 2 tested whether color–location binding can be improved by providing language that might bind these features. Children were shown a target and were told, e.g. “The red is on the left.” Performance was reliably better than in Experiment 1, suggesting language did help children bind color and location. Experiments 3 and 4 explored whether the same performance improvement could be accomplished by increasing non-linguistic attention to the target (i.e. flashing the red part, Experiment 3) or by using neutral relational language (e.g. “The red is touching the green”). Neither experiment showed enhanced performance, suggesting that language can augment visual–spatial representations only if it conveys very specific information (e.g. direction). Generally, the results suggest that specific linguistic information can help form a stable representation of spatial relationship and that this effect is not attributable to general attentional effects.     

Does linguistic reversibility exist? an experimental exploration of a psycholinguistic construct

Three experiments were devised involving 176 subjects aged between 5-0 and 8-1 years to examine children's receptive control of a set of four intersentence relations (identity, antonymy, structure reversal, equivalence) and to relate this linguistic ability to levels of cognitive functioning as assessed by the Piagetian measureDeux Sens de l'Orientation. The results indicate a significant but moderate correlation between performance on the two tasks. Cognitive precedence with respect to corresponding linguistic ability was observed in only one of the experiments, where linguistic performance was unsually low due to phonological interference between the lexical items used. The results were interpreted as giving evidence of linguistic reversibility—partially independent from cognitive reversibility though isomorphic with it—in the perceptual-figurative mode, resulting in flexible and efficient processing of linguistic inversions and even converse relations by preoperational children. These data complement previous psycholinguistic research in the Piagetian tradition, which had shown cognitive precedence relative to corresponding linguistic processes. It is suggested that previous research had tapped mainly linguistic processes in the cognitive operational mode, and that future research needs to examine the interrelation between the two modes.     

Representing Spatial Structure Through Maps and Language: Lord of the Rings Encodes the Spatial Structure of Middle Earth

Spatial mental representations can be derived from linguistic and non‐linguistic sources of information. This study tested whether these representations could be formed from statistical linguistic frequencies of city names, and to what extent participants differed in their performance when they estimated spatial locations from language or maps. In a computational linguistic study, we demonstrated that co‐occurrences of cities in Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings trilogy and The Hobbit predicted the authentic longitude and latitude of those cities in Middle Earth. In a human study, we showed that human spatial estimates of the location of cities were very similar regardless of whether participants read Tolkien’s texts or memorized a map of Middle Earth. However, text‐based location estimates obtained from statistical linguistic frequencies better predicted the human text‐based estimates than the human map‐based estimates. These findings suggest that language encodes spatial structure of cities, and that human cognitive map representations can come from implicit statistical linguistic patterns, from explicit non‐linguistic perceptual information, or from both.     

Regional variation in the inversion effect for faces: differential effects for feature shape, feature configuration, and external contour

Faces are perceived via an orientation-dependent expert mechanism. We previously showed that inversion impaired perception of the spatial relations of features more in the lower face than in the (more salient) upper face, suggests a failure to rapidly process this type of structural data from the entire face. In this study we wished to determine if this interaction between inversion and regional salience, which we consider a marker for efficient whole-face processing, was specific to second-order (coordinate) spatial relations or also affected other types of structural information in faces. We used an oddity paradigm to test the ability of seventeen subjects to discriminate changes in feature size, feature spatial relations, and external contour in both the upper and lower face. We also tested fourteen subjects on perception of two different types of spatial relations: second-order changes that create plausible alternative faces, and illegal spatial changes that transgress normal rules of facial geometry. In both experiments we examined for asymmetries between upper-face and lower-face perceptual accuracy with brief stimulus presentations. While all structural changes were less easily discerned in inverted faces, only changes to spatial relations showed a marked asymmetry between the upper and lower face, with far worse performance in the mouth region. Furthermore, this asymmetry was found only for second-order spatial relations and not illegal spatial changes. These results suggest that the orientation-dependent face mechanism has a rapid whole-face processing capacity specific to the internal second-order (coordinate) spatial relations of facial features.