Character movement and the representation of space during narrative comprehension

Traditional research on situation models has examined the accessibility of locations and objects during narrative experiences. These studies have described a ubiquitous gradient effect: Spatial locations and objects in reader focus are more accessible than locations farther from this focus, with accessibility decreasing as a function of distance. How might readers’ expectations about character movement, beyond information about spatial locations, additionally affect this accessibility gradient? In two experiments, we investigated whether reader expectations for character movement impact the accessibility of spatial information from memory. In Experiment 1, participants read stories that described characters moving in either a unidirectional or a random pattern through a learned environment. In Experiment 2, characters moved forward in a unidirectional way or backtracked through previously explored rooms. The results suggest that reader expectations for character movement can influence the accessibility of spatial information. Such expectations play a critical role in processes of narrative comprehension.     

Walking through doorways causes forgetting: Situation models and experienced space

We investigated the ability of people to retrieve information about objects as they moved through rooms in a virtual space. People were probed withobject names that were either associated withthe person (i.e., carried) or dissociated from the person (i.e., just set down). Also, people either did or did not shift spatial regions (i.e., go to a new room). Information about objects was less accessible when the objects were dissociated from the person. Furthermore, information about an object was also less available when there was a spatial shift. However, the spatial shift had a larger effect on memory for the currently associated object. These data are interpreted as being more supportive of a situation model explanation, following on work using narratives and film. Simpler memory-based accounts that do not take into account the context in which a person is embedded cannot adequately account for the results.     

Memory for object location and route direction in virtual large-scale space

In everyday life people have to deal with tasks such as finding a novel path to a certain goal location, finding one's way back, finding a short cut, or making a detour. In all of these tasks people acquire route knowledge. For finding the same way back they have to remember locations of objects like buildings and additionally direction changes. In three experiments using recognition tasks as well as conscious and unconscious spatial priming paradigms memory processes underlying wayfinding behaviour were investigated. Participants learned a route through a virtual environment with objects either placed at intersections (i.e., decision points) where another route could be chosen or placed along the route (non-decision points). Analyses indicate first that objects placed at decision points are recognized faster than other objects. Second, they indicate that the direction in which a route is travelled is represented only at locations that are relevant for wayfinding (e.g., decision points). The results point out the efficient way in which memory for object location and memory for route direction interact.     

Memory for object location and route direction in virtual large-scale space

In everyday life people have to deal with tasks such as finding a novel path to a certain goal location, finding one's way back, finding a short cut, or making a detour. In all of these tasks people acquire route knowledge. For finding the same way back they have to remember locations of objects like buildings and additionally direction changes. In three experiments using recognition tasks as well as conscious and unconscious spatial priming paradigms memory processes underlying wayfinding behaviour were investigated. Participants learned a route through a virtual environment with objects either placed at intersections (i.e., decision points) where another route could be chosen or placed along the route (non-decision points). Analyses indicate first that objects placed at decision points are recognized faster than other objects. Second, they indicate that the direction in which a route is travelled is represented only at locations that are relevant for wayfinding (e.g., decision points). The results point out the efficient way in which memory for object location and memory for route direction interact.     

Walking through doorways causes forgetting: active and passive interaction

ABSTRACT

The current study explored the location updating effect when people passively interacted with an environment. This was assessed experimentally by having one person actively navigate through a virtual environment while picking up and putting objects down. A second person passively viewed the movement. Both participants responded to memory probes for objects they encountered. Probes appeared when the active participant moved halfway across a room or immediately after moving into a new room. Consistent with previous research, a location updating effect was found. That is, memory was worse following a shift to a new room. This effect was found for both active and passive participants but was smaller for the passive group. Thus, the shift from one event to another causes information to be harder to remember, reinforcing the importance of event cognition in memory. However, the more involved a person is in the interactive event, the more pronounced the effects.     

Preschoolers search for hidden objects

The issue of whether young children use spatio-temporal information (e.g., movement of objects through time and space) and/or contact-mechanical information (e.g., interaction between objects) to search for a hidden object was investigated. To determine whether one cue can have priority over the other, a dynamic event that put these cues into conflict was created, with only spatio-temporal information being valid. The 3-year-olds used in the study were found to use the valid spatio-temporal cue exclusively and seemed to ignore the contact-mechanical cue. Both search behavior and eye tracking during the event support the view of a sophisticated sensitivity to the validity of a cue in indicating a target’s hidden location.     

Visual homing in the absence of feature-based landmark information

Despite that fact that landmarks play a prominent role in human navigation, experimental evidence on how landmarks are selected and defined by human navigators remains elusive. Indeed, the concept of a ‘landmark’ is itself not entirely clear. In everyday language, the term landmark refers to salient, distinguishable, and usually nameable objects, rendering the problem of landmark recognition a special case of the general object recognition problem. In contrast, in the insect and robot literature, this notion of landmarks is often replaced by the “local position information” [e.g., Trullier, O., Wiener, S., Berthoz, A., &; Meyer, J.-A. (1997). Biologically based artificial navigation systems: Review and prospects. Progress in Neurobiology, 51, 483–544], referring to the entire set of sensor readings obtained at one location. This set may then serve as a characteristic of the particular location. Honey bees have been shown to base place recognition and homing on a snapshot-like memory of the place’s visual environment, not on the distances to recognized objects [Cartwright, B., &; Collett, T. (1983). Landmark learning in bees. Experiments and models. Journal of Comparative Physiology A, 151, 521–543]. A number of theoretical models of snapshot-based homing [e.g., Franz, M., Schölkopf, B., Mallot, H. A., Bülthoff, H. H. (1998). Where did I take that snapshot? Scene-based homing by image matching. Biological Cybernetics, 79, 191–202; Vardy, A., &; Möller, R. (2005). Biologically plausible visual homing methods based on optical flow techniques. Connection Science, 17, 47–89] predict that the accuracy of snapshot-based homing should depend on image contrast. For rodent hippocampal place fields, models have been developed using additional image information such as three-dimensional depth and allocentric orientations (e.g., room axes) and are thus less sensitive to image contrast and noise [e.g. Barry, C., Lever, C., Hayman, R., Hartley, T., Burton, S., O’Keefe, J., et al. (2006). The boundary vector cell model of place cell firing and spatial memory. Reviews in the Neurosciences, 17, 71–79]. Here, we study human visual homing in a virtual environment void of objects and readily detected image features. The environment was a circular room with a homogenous colour gradient covering the wall and uniform floor and ceiling. Subjects were able to approach remembered places. Accuracy decreased with colour gradient modulation and room size, in qualitative agreement with the snapshot model but not with other models of place recognition. We conclude that human memory for places can make use of a snapshot algorithm.     

Binding actions and scenes in visual long-term memory

How does visual long-term memory store representations of different entities (e.g., objects, actions, and scenes) that are present in the same visual event? Are the different entities stored as an integrated representation in memory, or are they stored separately? To address this question, we asked observers to view a large number of events; in each event, an action was performed within a scene. Afterward, the participants were shown pairs of action–scene sets and indicated which of the two they had seen. When the task required recognizing the individual actions and scenes, performance was high (80 %). Conversely, when the task required remembering which actions had occurred within which scenes, performance was significantly lower (59 %). We observed this dissociation between memory for individual entities and memory for entity bindings across multiple testing conditions and presentation durations. These experiments indicate that visual long-term memory stores information about actions and information about scenes separately from one another, even when an action and scene were observed together in the same visual event. These findings also highlight an important limitation of human memory: Situations that require remembering actions and scenes as integrated events (e.g., eyewitness testimony) may be particularly vulnerable to memory errors.     

Long-term memory and retrieval at ages 2, 3, 4

Two experiments are reported examining the contents and accessibility of a subset of the knowledge represented in long-term memory by very young children. In Experiment 1, children aged 2 to 4 were asked in a production task to name items commonly found in particular rooms in a house, and then to verify the appropriate locations of a set of miniature replicas of household items in a dollhouse. In Experiment 2, object context was manipulated to observe if further external context improves or changes production. Children 3 and 4 years old were asked to produce appropriate room items under one of three conditons: either presented no room objects as in the first experiment, or given room objects highly- or less-frequently associated in the first study.Very young children revealed considerable knowledge in this domain, and even at the youngest ages, core defining information was retrieved. It was equally clear, however, that young children know much more than they can produce, that there is noticeable improvement in ability to retrieve information over this age range, and that additional external object context does not necessarily facilitate retrieval from long-term memory.     

Learning in repeated visual search

Visual search (e.g., finding a specific object in an array of other objects) is performed most effectively when people are able to ignore distracting nontargets. In repeated search, however, incidental learning of object identities may facilitate performance. In three experiments, with over 1,100 participants, we examined the extent to which search could be facilitated by object memory and by memory for spatial layouts. Participants searched for new targets (real-world, nameable objects) embedded among repeated distractors. To make the task more challenging, some participants performed search for multiple targets, increasing demands on visual working memory (WM). Following search, memory for search distractors was assessed using a surprise two-alternative forced choice recognition memory test with semantically matched foils. Search performance was facilitated by distractor object learning and by spatial memory; it was most robust when object identity was consistently tied to spatial locations and weakest (or absent) when object identities were inconsistent across trials. Incidental memory for distractors was better among participants who searched under high WM load, relative to low WM load. These results were observed when visual search included exhaustive-search trials (Experiment 1) or when all trials were self-terminating (Experiment 2). In Experiment 3, stimulus exposure was equated across WM load groups by presenting objects in a single-object stream; recognition accuracy was similar to that in Experiments 1 and 2. Together, the results suggest that people incidentally generate memory for nontarget objects encountered during search and that such memory can facilitate search performance.     

Temporal and spatial distance in situation models

In two experiments, we investigated how readers use information about temporal and spatial distance to focus attention on the more important parts of the situation model that they create during narrative comprehension. Effects of spatial distance were measured by testing the accessibility in memory of objects and rooms located at differing distances from the protagonist's current location. Before the test probe, an intervening episode was inserted in the narrative. Story time distance was manipulated by stating that the intervening episode lasted for either minutes or hours. Discourse time--that is, time spent reading from prime to test--was manipulated by describing the intervening episode either briefly or at length. Clear effects of story time distance and spatial distance on accessibility were found, whereas discourse time distance did not affect accessibility. The results are interpreted as supporting constructionist theories of text comprehension.     

高水平视觉表征中客体与位置的联系

从两个方面综述了高水平视觉表征中客体与位置的联系,即客体信息影响位置记忆和客体-位置捆绑。其中,客体信息影响一般的位置记忆及其偏向（如位置估计偏向于区域中央或偏向客体的功能部位）。而有关客体-位置捆绑,以往研究发现确实存在这种捆绑,它离不开背景客体的参与,并且背景客体间的空间关系影响它的形成。未来的研究应关注客体信息影响位置记忆的其他证据及背景捆绑改变条件下客体-位置捆绑的存在与否,并探讨位置信息对客体记忆的影响。     

Different mental representations for place recognition and goal localization

Determining one’s current location and locating a goal relative to one’s position are important components of successful human navigation in familiar environments. Several prominent cognitive theories of human spatial memory (e.g., McNamara, 2003; Sholl, 2001; Wang & Spelke, 2002) assume that both behaviors access the same enduring mental representations of the environment. Participants in the present experiment learned the locations of seven objects within a room from two views, and were then tested in a separate room using scene recognition and judgments of relative direction (JRD). Scene recognition results indicated that two viewer-centered representations of the layout of objects were preserved in long-term memory, whereas JRD showed evidence of a single orientation-dependent long-term mental representation. The challenges of incorporating the present findings into existing theories of human spatial memory are discussed.     

The floor effect: Impoverished spatial memory for elevator buttons

People typically remember objects to which they have frequently been exposed, suggesting that memory is a by-product of perception. However, prior research has shown that people have exceptionally poor memory for the features of some objects (e.g., coins) to which they have been exposed over the course of many years. Here, we examined how people remember the spatial layout of the buttons on a frequently used elevator panel, to determine whether physical interaction (rather than simple exposure) would ensure the incidental encoding of spatial information. Participants who worked in an eight-story office building displayed very poor recall for the elevator panel but above-chance performance on a recognition test. Performance was related to how often and how recently the person had used the elevator. In contrast to their poor memory for the spatial layout of the elevator buttons, most people readily recalled small distinctive graffiti on the elevator walls. In a more implicit test, the majority were able to locate their office floor and the eighth floor button when asked to point toward these buttons when in the actual elevator, with the button labels covered. However, identification was very poor for other floors (including the first floor), suggesting that even frequent interaction with information does not always lead to accurate spatial memory. These findings have implications for understanding the complex relationships among attention, expertise, and memory.     

Aesthetic issues in spatial composition: effects of vertical position and perspective on framing single objects

Aesthetic preference for the vertical composition of single-object pictures was studied through a series of two-alternative forced-choice experiments. The results reveal the influence of several factors, including spatial asymmetries in the functional properties of the object and the typical position of the object relative to the observer. With asymmetric side views of objects, people generally prefer objects typically located below the observer's viewpoint (e.g., a bowl or swimming stingray) to be below the center of the frame and objects typically located above the observer's viewpoint (e.g., a light fixture or flying eagle) to be above the center of the frame. In addition, people generally prefer symmetric views of those same objects from directly above or directly below to be closer to the center of the frame. We suggest that these results can be unified by the hypothesis that people prefer the object's "affordance space" to be centered within the frame.     

A mere exposure effect for transformed three-dimensional objects: Effects of reflection, size, or color changes on affect and recognition

If the mere exposure effect is based on implicit memory, recognition and affect judgments should be dissociated by experimental variables in the same manner as other explicit and implicit measures. Consistent with results from recognition and picture naming or object decision priming tasks (e.g., Biederman & E. E. Cooper, 1991, 1992; L. A. Cooper, Schacter, Ballesteros, & Moore, 1992), the present research showed that recognition memory but not affective preference was impaired by reflection or size transformations of three-dimensional objects between study and test. Stimulus color transformations had no effect on either measure. These results indicate that representations that support recognition memory code spatial information about an object’s left-right orientation and size, whereas representations that underlie affective preference do not. Insensitivity to surface feature changes that do not alter object form appears to be a general characteristic of implicit memory measures, including the affective preference task.     

Tests enhance retention and transfer of spatial learning

Many studies have reported that tests are beneficial for learning (e.g., Roediger & Karpicke, 2006a). However, the majority of studies on the testing effect have been limited to a combination of relatively simple verbal tasks and final tests that assessed memory for the same material that had originally been tested. The present study explored whether testing is beneficial for complex spatial memory and whether these benefits hold for both retention and transfer. After encoding a three-dimensional layout of objects presented in a virtual environment, participants completed a judgment-of-relative-direction (JRD) task in which they imagined standing at one object, facing a second object, and pointed to a third object from the imagined perspective. Some participants completed this task by relying on memory for the previously encoded layout (i.e., the test conditions), whereas for others the location of the third object was identified ahead of time, so that retrieval was not required (i.e., the study condition). On a final test assessing their JRD performance, the participants who learned through test outperformed those who learned through study. This was true even when corrective feedback was not provided on the initial JRD task and when the final test assessed memory from vantage points that had never been practiced during the initial JRD.