共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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魏晋南北朝时期道教吸收传统的井宿主司水事的观念,将"月宿东井"日作为沐浴养生的吉日,并结合道教的长生成仙信仰,认为"月宿东井"日还是存服月之黄华、天人共浴的日子,有助于得道升仙。这种观念发展至宋代,逐渐被用于祭炼科仪中。法师在祭炼仪式中通过存想身体内和天空中的井宿图景,将井宿的司职运用于为亡魂沐浴和水炼,从而有为亡魂涤荡形骸和改变亡魂生存状态的功效。从道教对井宿的信仰中可以看出,不论是以"月宿东井"日沐浴养生,还是在祭炼仪式中存思"月宿东井"图景为亡魂沐浴和炼度,无不体现出道教"观天之道,执天之行"的"天人合一"观。 相似文献
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泰山玉女发展成国家祭祀神灵碧霞元君,经历了"立像"、"建祠"、"赐额"三个阶段,完成了从民间俗神到道教神仙,再到国家神灵的转变,成为国家"准正祀性"神灵,这其中道教的吸纳是极为重要的一环,道教作为中国土生土长的宗教,在宋至清代多被统治者所利用。在国家祭祀政策的大背景下,道教神仙的光环使碧霞元君有了合法外衣的保护,也因此得到国家的最终承认。道教的吸纳和国家的认同是碧霞元君信仰扩展的前提条件,而与海神天妃的相互吸收利用及自身不断显灵则又促使其信仰进一步扩展。 相似文献
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道经中常见"抟颊"一词,意义难解。虽有学者做过解释,但结论不能令人信服。抟颊即"用手按摩脸颊"。道教存思法中,常有"叩齿多少过,以手摩面目多少过"的说法,"以手摩面目"即抟颊。抟颊是早期道教的一种礼拜仪式,体现了道教长生久视的思想。"抟颊"常误作"搏颊",以讹传讹,被误认为是涂炭斋中的一种自虐行为。 相似文献
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湖南江永勾蓝瑶与广西恭城山水相连,同为平地瑶族属。勾蓝瑶水龙祠壁画与恭城的"梅山图"都属于瑶族梅山教美术作品。笔者通过比较"梅山图"中猖兵的形象对水龙祠壁画梅山猖兵身份进行了考证。水龙祠壁画的九位梅山猖兵处于非常突出的位置,动作夸张、形象独特,与民间认知的猖兵形象有某些类似但又有不同,这与瑶族梅山教信仰有着必然的渊源关系。在瑶族梅山教信仰中,梅山猖兵已经成为瑶族的民族之神,猖兵统领张五郎亦被称为"梅山",代表瑶族宗教记忆中的"故里"。毋庸置疑,梅山猖兵在瑶族信仰中比其他民族有更深刻的情感,对他们的尊奉寄托着瑶族民众死后魂归梅山故里、成为家神的真切愿望,这也成为他们追求的人生终极宗教信仰目标。 相似文献
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Arkowitz H 《The American psychologist》2005,60(7):731; author reply 734-731; author reply 735
Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners. 相似文献
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The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools. 相似文献
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形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度". 相似文献
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从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意 相似文献
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Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed. 相似文献
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谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府… 相似文献
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Andrew Norris 《Metaphilosophy》2004,35(3):249-272
Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination. 相似文献
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