A study of masked form priming in picture and word naming

We report a series of picture- and word-naming experiments in which the masked priming paradigm with prime exposures brief enough to prevent prime identification were used. Experiment 1 demonstrates that the prior presentation of the same word prime facilitates both picture and word naming independently of target frequency. In Experiments 2 and 3, primes that were pseudohomophones of picture targets produced facilitatory effects compared with orthographic controls, but these orthographically similar nonword primes did not facilitate picture naming compared with unrelated controls. On the other hand, word targets were primarily facilitated by orthographic prime— target overlap. This marked dissociation in the priming effects obtained with picture and word targets is discussed in relation to different explanations of masked form priming effects in visual word recognition and current models of picture and word naming.     

Strategic reliance on phonological mediation in lexical access

The present study investigated strategic variation in reliance on phonological mediation in visual word recognition. In Experiment 1, semantically related or unrelated word primes preceded word, pseudohomophone (e.g.,trane), or nonpseudohomophone (e.g.,trank) targets in a lexical decision task. Semantic priming effects were found for words, and response latencies to pseudohomophones were longer in related than in unrelated prime conditions. In Experiment 2, related or unrelated word primes preceded word or pseudohomophone targets. A relatedness effect was found for words, although it was significant at a 600-msec prime-target stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) and not at a 200-msec SOA. There was no relatedness effect for pseudohomophones. Experiment 3 was a replication of Experiment 2, except that pseudohomophones were replaced by nonpseudohomophonic orthographic controls. Facilitation effects for related target words were greater in Experiment 3 than in Experiment 2. The results reflect apparent variations in the expectation that a related prime reliably indicates that a target is a word. Although reliance on phonological mediation might be strategically contingent, there could be a brief time period in which phonologically mediated lexical access occurs automatically. Whether phonological information is maintained or suppressed subsequently depends on its overall usefulness for the task.     

Priming word recognition with orthographic neighbors: effects of relative prime-target frequency

Four lexical decision experiments were performed with an orthographic priming paradigm in which test words were preceded by orthographically related or unrelated prime words. When prime words were presented for 350 ms without a mask, it was observed that primes that are lower frequency orthographic neighbors of the target interfered with target processing relative to an unrelated condition. When primes were higher frequency neighbors of the target, no interference or facilitation was observed. On the other hand, with briefly presented masked primes, interference was observed with higher frequency prime words. Finally, facilitatory effects in masked repetition priming were obtained with both high- and low-frequency prime-target pairs. The results are interpreted in terms of activation and selection processes operating in visual word recognition.     

Orthographic and phonological activation in auditory and visual word recognition

A discrete-trials color naming (Stroop)’paradigm was used to examine activation along orthographic and phonological dimensions in visual and auditory word recognition. Subjects were presented a prime word, either auditorily or visually, followed 200 msec later by a target word printed in a color. The orthographic and phonological similarity of prime-target pairs varied. Color naming latencies were longer when the primes and targets were orthographically and/or phonologically similar than when they were unrelated. This result obtained for both prime presentation modes. The results suggest that word recognition entails activation of multiple codes and priming of orthographically and phonologically similar words.     

Masked repetition and phonological priming within and across modalities

Lexical decision latencies to word targets presented either visually or auditorily were faster when directly preceded by a briefly presented (53-ms) pattern-masked visual prime that was the same word as the target (repetition primes), compared with different word primes. Primes that were pseudohomophones of target words did not significantly influence target processing compared with unrelated primes (Experiments 1-2) but did produce robust priming effects with slightly longer prime exposures (67 ms) in Experiment 3. Like repetition priming, these pseudohomophone priming effects did not interact with target modality. Experiments 4 and 5 replicated this general pattern of effects while introducing a different measure of prime visibility and an orthographic priming condition. Results are interpreted within the framework of a bimodal interactive activation model.     

Inhibition with orthographically similar low-frequency word targets preceded by high-frequency primes

The role of inhibition (increased latency) for lexical decisions on targets preceded by orthographically related high- and low-frequency primes was examined. There was more inhibition for targets preceded by orthographically related high-frequency primes, compared to the same targets preceded by orthographically unrelated primes. These results were interpreted as verification of a version of Colombo's (1986) inhibition hypothesis, modified to fit the current paradigm. According to the modified version of Colombo's hypothesis, the lexical memorial representation of a similarly spelled high-frequency prime competes with the target for recognition when the target is presented. In the current experiment, the lack of phonological inconsistency effects (e.g., TOUCH-COUCH vs. SPOKE-COUCH) was not interpreted to mean that phonological processing did not occur. The lack of phonological inconsistency effects was seen as the result of phonological processes being averaged across targets that were still influenced lexically by the memorial representations of similarly spelled high- and low-frequency primes.     

Evidence for word length coding during visual word recognition

In a masked priming procedure manipulating orthographic neighbourhood size, the priming word activates a number of word candidates of which the target could be one. Whether the target is one of the candidates or not determines how quickly it is recognised. However, the efficiency of lexical processing may be markedly less if all possible candidates are activated. One solution to this problem is if the visual system uses prime length information to reduce the number of candidates to a more manageable amount. Here, we investigated in two masked priming experiments whether prime length and orthographic information combine to facilitate target word recognition. In Experiment 1, we showed that the efficiency of visual word recognition is not influenced by the length of primes alone. However, when combined with orthographically related primes, word length coding is preserved. In Experiment 2, we investigated whether length priming affects recognition of short and long words differently. Results showed that only short words benefit from a same-length orthographically related prime, and that the priming effect does not generalise to longer words. These results suggest that the length of a word is not an essential feature in lexical processing, but that it can facilitate recognition by constraining the activation of orthographically related words.     

The time course of orthographic and phonological code activation

The present study used event-related potentials (ERPs) to examine the time course of orthographic and phonological priming in the masked priming paradigm. Participants monitored visual target words for occasional animal names, and ERPs to nonanimal critical items were recorded. These critical items were preceded by different types of primes: Orthographic priming was examined using transposed-letter (TL) primes (e.g., barin-BRAIN) and their controls (e.g., bosin-BRAIN); phonological priming was examined using pseudohomophone primes (e.g., brane-BRAIN) and their controls (e.g., brant-BRAIN). Both manipulations modulated the N250 ERP component, which is hypothesized to reflect sublexical processing during visual word recognition. Orthographic (TL) priming and phonological (pseudohomophone) priming were found to have distinct topographical distributions and different timing, with orthographic effects arising earlier than phonological effects.     

Cognate status and cross-script translation priming

Greek-French bilinguals were tested in three masked priming experiments with Greek primes and French targets. Related primes were the translation equivalents of target words, morphologically related to targets, or phonologically related to targets. In Experiment 1, cognate translation equivalents (phonologically similar translations) showed facilitatory priming, relative to matched phonologically related primes, in conditions in which morphologically related primes showed no effect (50-msec prime exposure). Cross-language morphological priming emerged at longer prime exposure durations (66 msec), but cognate primes continued to generate more priming than did those in the morphological condition. In Experiments 2 and 3, the level of phonological overlap across translation equivalents was varied, and priming effects were measured against those for matched phonologically related primes and those in an unrelated prime condition. When measured against the unrelated baseline, cognate primes showed the typical advantage over noncognate primes. However, this cognate advantage disappeared when priming was measured against the phonologically related prime condition. The results are discussed in terms of how translation equivalents are represented in bilingual memory.     

Graded aspects of morphological processing: task and processing time

Effects on targets of orthographically (O) and semantically (S) related primes were compared with morphologically related (M) primes in the lexical decision, naming, and go/no go naming tasks. The overall pattern typified the graded nature of morphological processing. Morphological relatedness produced facilitation whose magnitude varied across a range of stimulus onset asynchronies (SOAs of 66-300 ms) and tasks. The effect of semantic and orthographic similarity also depended on SOA and on task. Importantly, the effects of morphological relatedness and orthographic similarity diverged along a time course that reflected semantic processing but could only be approximated by the effect of semantic relatedness between prime and target.     

List context effects on masked phonological priming in the lexical decision task

A lexical decision experiment tested the effects of briefly presented masked primes that were homophones or pseudohomophones of target words. Different types of nonword foil (pseudohomophones, orthographically regular nonwords, orthographically irregular nonwords) were mixed with the word targets. Pseudohomophone priming effects were independent of nonword foil variations, whereas homophone priming effects varied from being facilitatory in the presence of orthographically regular nonwords, inhibitory in the presence of pseudohomophones, and null in the presence of irregular nonwords. This dissociation in the way nonword foil variations influence masked pseudohomophone and homophone priming effects in the lexical decision task is discussed within the framework of a bimodal extension of the multiple readout model of visual word recognition (Grainger & Jacobs, 1996).     

Are morphological effects distinguishable from the effects of shared meaning and shared form?

Effects of orthographically and semantically related primes were compared with morphologically related primes in an immediate (Experiment 1) and a long-term (Experiment 2) lexical decision task. Morphological relatedness produced facilitation across a range of prime durations (32-300 ms) as well as when items intervened between prime and target, and its magnitude increased with prime duration. Semantic facilitation and orthographic inhibition arose only in the immediate priming task. Moreover, morphological effects were significantly greater than the sum of semantic and orthographic effects at a stimulus onset asynchrony of 300 ms but were not reliably different at shorter durations. The adequacy of an account that describes morphological relatedness as distinct from the composite effects of semantic and orthographic similarity must account for changes in additivity across prime durations.     

Pseudohomophone priming in lexical decision is not fragile in a sparse lexical neighborhood

In lexical decision, to date few studies in English have found a reliable pseudohomophone priming advantage with orthographically similar primes (the klip-plip effect; Frost, Ahissar, Gotesman, & Tayeb, 2003; see Rastle & Brysbaert, 2006, for a review). On the basis of the Bayseian reader model of lexical decision (Norris, 2006, 2009), we hypothesized that this was because in previous studies, lexical decisions could have been made without finding a match between the input and a unique lexical representation. Consistent with our hypothesis, we found that words from dense neighborhoods showed neither an orthographic form priming effect nor a pseudohomophone priming advantage; in contrast, with words from a sparse lexical neighborhood, a sizeable orthographic form priming effect was found, and a robust pseudohomophone priming advantage, which was not limited to the overlap of onset phoneme, was also observed. Identity primes produced greater facilitation than pseudohomophone primes. We consider the implication of these findings for the role of assembled phonology in lexical access.     

Semantic priming and identification of near threshold primes in a lexical decision task

Three experiments examined both the impact of semantic analysis of 50-msec, masked visual primes on a target response and the impact of semantic analysis of the target on a prime response. The first two experiments used a prime-target interval of 1000 msec. In Experiment 1, subjects reported the identity of each prime: (a) after a lexical decision about the target, (b) both before and after a lexical decision, or (c) after a target detection response. Prime report after both types of target response showed retroactive priming in which report was facilitated by related targets and inhibited by unrelated targets. Analyses of lexical decision latency and accuracy conditionalized on prime report showed that semantic priming was restricted to reported related primes. In Experiment 2, subjects made no overt response to the primes. Priming was conditionalized on recognition of the primes on a subsequent test. The pattern was the same as Experiment 1: There was priming only for recognized primes; recognition memory showed a pattern consistent with retroactive priming. Experiment 3 also conditionalized priming on recognition performance but used a prime-target interval of only 250 msec. Again, semantic priming was found only for recognized primes, and recognition memory revealed retroactive priming. Retroactive priming indicates an interdependency between prime and target processing that needs to be incorporated into models of semantic priming.     

Looks aren’t Everything: Pseudohomophones Prime Words but Nonwords do not

After examining literature that deals with phonological and orthographic effects associated with pseudohomophones, the current effort deviates from the norm by using fewer pseudohomophones (20) and extending the lags between primes and targets (M=8). Word and pseudohomophone primes were found to facilitate lexical decision response latencies to word targets. Response latencies to word targets were not influenced by nonword primes, however. The presence of pseudohomophone effects was demonstrated by longer response latencies and higher error rates for pseudohomophones (e.g., DREEM) that were equated in orthography to nonword controls (e.g., DROAM). Despite the frequency effect observed for base words, the pseudohomophones did not exhibit an effect of base word frequency. The results suggest that phonological codes exert an influence on lexical representation but are not frequency sensitive.     

Phonology and orthography in reading aloud

This study investigated the orthographic and phonological contribution of visually masked primes to reading aloud in Dutch. Although there is a relatively clear mapping between the spelling and sound of words in Dutch, words starting with the letter c are ambiguous as to whether they begin with the phoneme /S/ (e.g., citroen, “lemon”) or with the phoneme /k/ (e.g., complot, “conspiracy”). Therefore, using words of this type, one can tease apart the contributions of orthographic and phonological activation in reading aloud. Dutch participants read aloud bisyllabic c-initial target words, which were preceded by visually masked, bisyllabic prime words that either shared the initial phoneme with the target (phonologically related) or the first grapheme (orthographically related) or both (phonologically and orthographically related). Unrelated primes did not share the first segment with the target. Response latencies in the phonologically related conditions were shorter than those in the unrelated condition. However, primes that were orthographically related did not speed up responses. One may conclude that the nature of the onset effect in reading aloud is phonological and not orthographic.     

Doesconal prime canal more thancinal? Masked phonological priming effects in Spanish with the lexical decision task

Evidence for an early involvement of phonology in word identification usually relies on the comparison between a target word preceded by a homophonic prime and an orthographic control (rait-RATE vs. raut-RATE). This comparison rests on the assumption that the two control primes are equally orthographically similar to the target. Here, we tested for phonological effects with a masked priming paradigm in which orthographic similarity between priming conditions was perfectly controlled at the letter level and in which identification of the prime was virtually at chance for both stimulus onset asynchronies (SOAs) (66 and 50 msec). In the key prime-target pairs, each prime differed from the target by one vowel letter, but one changed the sound of the initial c, and the other did not (cinal-CANAL vs. conal-CANAL). In the control prime-target pairs, the primes had the identical vowel manipulation, but neither changed the initial consonant sound (pinel-PANEL vs. ponel-PANEL). For both high- and low-frequency words, lexical decision responses to the target were slower when the prime changed the sound of the c than when it did not, whereas there was no difference for the controls at both SOAs. However, this phonological effect was small and was not significant when the SOA was 50 msec. The pattern of data is consistent with an early phonological coding of primes that occurs just a little later than orthographic coding.     

Repetition priming is not purely episodic in origin

The sufficiency of similarity among surface attributes of prime-target pairs to account for the pattern of facilitation obtained in the repetition priming paradigm was evaluated. In Experiment 1, morphological primes were singular, inflected case forms of Serbo-Croatian words and visual similarity of prime and target was manipulated by alternating the two alphabets in which the Serbo-Croatian language is written. Results indicated that the magnitude of facilitation in the alphabetically alternating condition was not reduced relative to the nonalternating condition (RUPI-RUPI vs. RUPI-RUPI) which suggested that visual similarity is not a necessary condition for facilitation in the present task. In Experiment 2, related pairs included (a) base forms with diminutives, a class of highly productive and semantically predictable derivations marked in Serbo-Croatian by suffixes and (b) base words with morphologically unrelated monomorphemic words whose orthographic pattern encompassed the target in initial position and a sequence of letters in final position that elsewhere functions as a diminutive suffix. No facilitation of word targets by orthographically similar but morphologically unrelated primes was observed although there was a tendency toward facilitation among structurally similar pseudowords. Collectively, the experiments suggested that structural similarity of prime and target is not a sufficient condition for facilitation in the repetition priming paradigm.     

Base word Frequency and Pseudohomophone Naming

The advantage of naming pseudohomophones over non-pseudohomophones has been interpreted as reflecting the contribution of whole-word lexical representations in phonological coding. A whole-word interpretation was further supported by Taft and Russell (1992), who reported a pseudohomophone frequency effect such that pseudohomophones were named faster if they corresponded to high- than to low-frequency base-words (e.g. poast vs. hoast ). Experiment 1 replicated this pseudohomophone frequency effect using the Taft and Russell items. Further analyses showed, however, that the pseudohomophones in Taft and Russell's high-frequency group were more orthographically similar to words than the pseudohomophones in the low-frequency group. These differences in orthography may have been the cause of the 'frequency' effects. In Experiment 2, a new set of high- and low-frequency pseudohomophones was constructed that were matched on orthographic factors (i.e. SPBF and N). With these items, a standard pseudohomophone advantage was found such that pseudohomophones were named faster and more accurately than non-pseudohomophones. However, in contrast to Taft and Russell's results, pseudohomophone naming was not related to base-word frequency. We conclude that the pseudohomophone advantage occurs at a postlexical stage in non-word naming.