Stop Thinking So Much About ‘Sexual Harassment’

This article explores two related widespread mistakes in thinking about sexual harassment. One is a mistake made by philosophers doing philosophical work on the topic of sexual harassment: an excessive focus on attempting to define the term ‘sexual harassment’. This is a perfectly legitimate topic for discussion and indeed a necessary one, but its dominance of the literature has tended to prevent philosophers from adequately exploring other topics that are of at least equal importance, particularly that of bystanders' responsibilities. The other mistake is one made not just by philosophers but by most people attempting to deal with real‐world behaviour that is either sexual harassment or closely related to sexual harassment: an excessive focus on whether or not formal charges of sexual harassment are possible or appropriate. (This is clearly related to the first mistake in that a part of deciding whether charges are appropriate is deciding whether the behaviour meets the definition of sexual harassment.) I argue that these are not merely unfortunate errors in attempting to conceptualise certain problematic behaviours; they have extremely damaging real world effects.     

Sexual harassment of women professors by students: Exploring the dynamics of power,authority, and gender in a university setting

Although much research on sexual harassment within the academy has been concerned with how prevalent this problem is, it continues to be very narrow in its scope by focusing almost entirely on the abuse directed toward subordinates. This study explores the sexual harassment of women professors by students to gain insight into how widespread the problem is, and to understand better how both gender and status define an individual's vulnerability to sexual harassment. Survey data from 208 female instructors employed at a major university revealed that women professors experience a variety of behaviors, mostly from male students, which range from sexist comments to sexual assault. Furthermore, most professors perceive such behaviors to be sexual harassment, despite the professor's formal power. Generally, women professors are able to deal effectively with these situations, usually by confronting the individual directly or trying to avoid the student, at least in relatively minor instances of sexual harassment.     

Ambient Sexual Harassment: An Integrated Model of Antecedents and Consequences

Research on sexual harassment as a prevalent job stressor has focused primarily on outcomes for the direct targets of harassment; the antecedents and consequences ofindirectexposure to sexual harassment have not been explored. Ambient Sexual Harassment is proposed as an assessment of indirect exposure to sexual harassment. Ambient Sexual Harassment is defined as the general or ambient level of sexual harassment in a work group as measured by the frequency of sexually harassing behaviors experienced by others in a woman's work group. The integration of Ambient Sexual Harassment into the model of sexual harassment developed by Fitzgerald, Drasgow, Hulin, Gelfand, and Magley (1997) proposes that indirect exposure to sexual harassment will have similar antecedents and job-related, psychological, and health outcomes as direct exposure. An empirical test of the model, using samples of female employees from a public utility company (N= 455) and a food processing plant (N= 194), generally supports predictions.     

THE DIRECT AND MODERATING INFLUENCES OF SEXUAL-HARASSMENT PERVASIVENESS, COPING STRATEGIES, AND GENDER ON WORK-RELATED OUTCOMES

This study explores the direct and moderating influences of sexual-harassment (SH) pervasiveness, coping strategies, and gender on work-related consequences of sexual harassment among a national, representative sample of federal employees who had experienced some form of unwanted sexual attention ( N = 553 men and 1,782 women). Regression analysis revealed that, contrary to conventional wisdom, individuals who experienced frequent SH and who used confrontive coping strategies tended to experience worse job outcomes than did others. Furthermore, use of confrontive coping tended to amplify associations between harassment pervasiveness and consequences, especially for men. A "wimpy male" hypothesis to explain this last finding is discussed. Finally, the study suggests that efforts to help both women and men to effectively respond to sexual harassment are needed.     

THE SEXUAL HARASSMENT OF MEN?

Recently the focus of sexual harassment research on the harassment of women by men has been challenged. Treatments of sexual harassment of men, however, have generally ignored power differentials between the genders. Our analysis predicts that behaviors identified as harassing by men stem from negotiations of gender in the workplace that challenge male dominance, whereas behaviors experienced by women as sexually harassing reinforce female subordinance. Consistent with our predictions, results indicated the following: men are considerably less threatened than women are by behaviors that women have found harassing; men find sexual coercion the most threatening form of harassment; men as well as women sexually harass men; and men identify behaviors as harassing that have not been identified for women. Results also showed signs of backlash among men against organizational measures that address sexual harassment and discrimination against women. Implications for psychological and legal definitions of sexual harassment of men are discussed.     

Assessing Perceptions of Sexual Harassment Behaviors in a Manufacturing Environment

This pilot study, conducted in a manufacturing plant, investigated employee perceptions of the behaviors of supervisors and co-workers that constitute quid pro quo and hostile work environment sexual harassment. Responses indicated that the majority of employees can accurately identify behaviors that are frequently associated with quid pro quo harassment, but cannot identify behaviors that are used to establish evidence of a hostile work environment. Comparisons of employees' scores demonstrated that male workers, relative to female workers, were more frequently accurate in identifying behaviors of both supervisors and co-workers that constitute sexual harassment. Perceptions of harassment varied according to job classification. Women in white-collar jobs were significantly more knowledgeable about what behaviors constitute sexual harassment than women in blue-collar jobs.     

SEXUAL HARASSMENT: CRITICAL REVIEW OF LEGAL CASES WITH GENERAL PRINCIPLES AND PREVENTIVE MEASURES*

Fifty-two court cases were reviewed to determine the standards set by the courts for establishing a claim of sexual harassment under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Twenty-nine are discussed. Three major issues were examined in Part I of the review: (1) the gender-based nature of sexual harassment at work, (2) the direct and indirect employment-related consequences that result from the harassment, and (3) the extent of employer liability for the sexually harassing acts of their employees. Part II discussed the general principles that were distilled from the court cases and examined future trends and preventive measures, as well as the role of professionals in future research. A plan of action to combat sexual harassment at the workplace consistent with court interpretations was presented.     

Psychological Consequences for High School Students of Having Been Sexually Harassed

The psychological and educational consequences of sexual harassment for high school students were investigated in two studies. Both studies involved a modified survey originally designed for the American Association of University Women (1993). In Study 1, which involved 760 male and 779 female high school students (mainly 16- to 19-year-olds), we compared the behaviors and attitudes of (a) students who had recently been harassed and were upset by it, and (b) students who had not been harassed. Harassment led to several negative psychological and educational consequences rather than to a general stress reaction. Consequences varied with the type of harassment experienced. In Study 2, we surveyed 30 male and 67 female university students who were enrolled in a 1st year psychology course. We found that current doubt about romantic relations was associated with two types of harassment experienced during high school. Thus, some specific consequences of harassment might be long-lasting.     

Sexual harassment of university faculty by colleagues and students

The focus of this research was on faculty members as victims of sexual harassment by colleagues (peer harassment) and students (contrapower harassment). A self-administered, mailed questionnaire was sent to a probability sample of faculty at a large, public Midwestern university and to the whole population of faculty at a small, public institution in the Western Mountain region. Several hypotheses were made based on conflict theory, role theory, and previous research. Results indicated that women faculty generally have more negative attitudes toward and broader definitions of sexual harassment than do male faculty. Moderate levels of sexual harassment of faculty by both colleagues and students were reported; minor and anonymous (course evaluations and obscene phone calls) forms were the most common. Female faculty were more likely to report harassment by colleagues; male faculty were more likely to report some potentially harassing behaviors by students. Incidents of sexual harassment were usually not reported to formal agents of social control.This research was funded, in part, through the Small Grant Program of the Office of Research and Sponsored Activities, Illinois State University. The author would like to thank Krista Moore for her assistance in data collection at the Colorado site, Nancy Uphoff for her assistance with the library research, Robyn Leech and Ann Marie Woods for coding and data entry, and Elizabeth Grauerholz and Susan Specher for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper.     

The Sexual Harassment–Suicide Connection in the U.S. Military: Contextual Effects of Hostile Work Environment and Trusted Unit Leaders

Sexual harassment has been associated with suicidal behaviors, and with the rise in suicides in the U.S. military, sexual harassment's role in suicide has been of growing interest. Lacking are studies that examine group‐ or unit‐level variables in the relationship of sexual harassment to suicidal behaviors (thoughts, plans, and attempts). In this study, survey data from soldiers (12,567 soldiers in 180 company‐sized units) who completed the Unit Risk Inventory administered during calendar year 2010 were analyzed using hierarchical linear modeling. At the individual level, sexual harassment was associated with a fivefold increase for risk of suicide. Reporting that leaders could be trusted was associated with a decreased suicide risk by about one‐third. There was no statistically significant interaction between sexual harassment and trusted leaders in predicting the suicidal behaviors. At the group level, units or companies having higher levels of sexual harassment also had soldiers three times more at risk for suicide. A cross‐leveling effect was also observed: Among units having higher levels of sexual harassment, the negative correlation (buffering effect of unit leaders on suicidal behaviors) was diminished. Implications of findings for preventing sexual harassment and suicide risk are discussed.     

Sexual Harassment: Prevalence,Outcomes, and Gender Differences Assessed by Three Different Estimation Methods

This study investigates gender differences in prevalence and effects of sexual harassment using three different estimation methods. In a representative sample of 2,349 Norwegian employees, 1.1% self-labeled as targets of sexual harassment, whereas 18.4% reported exposure to sexually harassing behaviors during the last six months. When employing latent class cluster analysis as a method for estimating prevalence of sexual harassment, 2.2% could be classified as targets of frequent harassment and 19.1% could be classified as targets of unwanted sexual attention. Although more women than men self-labeled as targets of sexual harassment, men reported the same number of sexually harassing behaviors as women. Sexual harassment was found to be significantly related to mental health problems and low job satisfaction among men and women.     

Correlates of the objective and subjective experiences of sexual harassment in high school

The present study used retrospective reports of primarily white female university students to examine a number of issues related to sexual harassment in high school. Results indicate that underperception of sexual harassment in high school exists in that reports of objective experiences appear to be quite high and exceed the actual labelling of these experiences as sexual harassment. Those who reported having an overprotective mother, observing fewer positive behaviors between their parents, and experiencing unwanted sexual contact during childhood experienced a greater number of objectively-defined incidents of sexual harassment, than those who did not. Underperception of sexual harassment was associated with a greater frequency of negative behaviors directed toward the father by the mother, but was not related to experiencing unwanted sexual contact during childhood.We would like to thank W. A. Fisher, D. Hazlewood, J. Olson, and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.     

Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation in a Canadian Military Sample

The Sexual Experiences Questionnaire (SEQ) was administered to 1,060 male and 305 female soldiers from combat support and combat service support units in the U.S. Army. Eighty-four percent of women and 74% of men experienced at least 1 of the behaviors listed in the SEQ during the previous year. However, only 30% of women and 8% of men acknowledged having been sexually harassed in the same time period. Men who experienced SEQ behaviors were less likely to acknowledge harassment than women who experienced these behaviors. The 3 SEQ subscales—gender harassment, unwanted sexual attention, and coercion—were examined as predictors of organizational commitment, turnover wish, the perception of sexual harassment as a personal and work-unit problem, and as predictors of acknowledged harassment. The more serious behaviors were more likely to be acknowledged as harassment than the milder behaviors when the type of behavior was defined as either present or absent. On the other hand, when milder behaviors occurred frequently, they were the main predictors of the perception of sexual harassment as a personal and work-unit problem. Sexual harassment predicted turnover wish and Army commitment for male soldiers only.     

A meta-analytic review of gender differences in perceptions of sexual harassment

Research on gender differences in perceptions of sexual harassment informs an ongoing legal debate regarding the use of a reasonable person standard instead of a reasonable woman standard to evaluate sexual harassment claims. The authors report a meta-analysis of 62 studies of gender differences in harassment perceptions. An earlier quantitative review combined all types of social-sexual behaviors for a single meta-analysis; the purpose of this study was to investigate whether the magnitude of the female-male difference varies by type of behavior. An overall standardized mean difference of 0.30 was found, suggesting that women perceive a broader range of social-sexual behaviors as harassing. However, the meta-analysis also found that the female-male difference was larger for behaviors that involve hostile work environment harassment, derogatory attitudes toward women, dating pressure, or physical sexual contact than sexual propositions or sexual coercion.     

A hierarchy of sexual harassment

Undergraduate students (143 males, 100 females) and working women (n = 48) read 18 scenarios depicting a wide range of types of sexual harassment behaviors and indicated whether they personally perceived each type of behavior to be sexual harassment. A hierarchy of harassment was developed on the basis of the subjects' perceptions. Potential differences between the perceptions of working women and female students and between the perceptions of male and female students were also investigated. Although a general consensus emerged regarding the relative perceived severity of the different types of sexual harassment, the percentage of working women who considered the behaviors to be sexual harassment was greater than the percentage of female students who considered them so.     

REPORTED INCIDENCE RATES OF WORK-RELATED SEXUAL HARASSMENT IN THE UNITED STATES: USING META-ANALYSIS TO EXPLAIN REPORTED RATE DISPARITIES

This study presents a meta-analytic review of the incidence of sexual harassment in the U.S. The impact of 3 main moderator variables (type of survey used, sampling technique, and the type of work environment in which the study was conducted) on the reported incidence rate was estimated by cumulating incidence rates reported in the literature. Results show that directly querying the respondents about whether or not they experienced sexual harassment (vs. using questionnaires that listed behaviors believed to constitute sexual harassment), and employing probability-sampling techniques (vs. convenience sampling), led to substantially lower estimates of sexual harassment incidence. In addition, the results suggest that sexual harassment is more prevalent in organizations characterized by relatively large power differentials between organizational levels. Based on more than 86,000 respondents from 55 probability samples, on average, 58% of women report having experienced potentially harassing behaviors and 24% report having experienced sexual harassment at work.     

LONGITUDINAL ANALYSIS OF DISPOSITIONAL INFLUENCES AND SEXUAL HARASSMENT: EFFECTS ON JOB AND PSYCHOLOGICAL OUTCOMES

Research consistently demonstrates that sexual harassment is related to a variety of negative outcomes. Negative outcomes, however, may be influenced by respondents' dispositions or response biases rather than by their sexual harassment experiences alone. This study investigates relationships between negative outcomes and sexual harassment over time in an attempt to assess this possibility. Further, little empirical research on sexual harassment has explored the impact of various coping strategies on experiences of harassment over time. Sexual harassment experiences, job-related and psychological outcomes, and coping responses were obtained from 216 female faculty and staff members at a midwestern university at 2 times, 24 months apart. Patterns of results suggests that sexual harassment has important effects on job-related and psychological outcomes that operate independently of dispositional influences or response biases. Results also indicate that sexual harassment at Time 1 is a better predictor of harassment at Time 2 than are coping strategies.     

Suffering in Silence: Procedural Justice Versus Gender Socialization issues in University Sexual Harassment Grievence Procedures

Although some studies suggest that sexual harassment is a prevalent problem in academia, it is accompanied by consistently low reporting rates. An examination of the relative explanatory power of procedural justice (Lind & Tyler, 1988) and gender socialization (Riger, 1991) to account for this situation was conducted. Demographic, situational, and attitudinal variables representing various obstacles to filing formal grievances were assessed in two groups: reporters and nonreporters of sexual harassment. Results indicate that procedural justice (e.g., skepticism regarding the response efficacy of filing a complaint) was more related to nonreported sexual harassment than was gender socialization (e.g., a caring vs. a justice perspective). Results are discussed in terms of their implications for a broader theoretical framework and for the ways in which formal agencies that are mandated to protect university members from sexual harassment could refine their grievance procedures.     

An Empirical Examination of Same- and Other-Gender Sexual Harassment in the Workplace

This study examines sexual harassment (SH) whichinvolves members of the same gender, either male orfemale. Data are taken from the 1988 Department ofDefense Survey of Sex Roles in the Active Duty Military. Separate comparisons for male (38% White, 31%Black, and 31% ‘other’) and female (48%White, 27% Black, and 25% ‘other’) targetsare made between sameand other-gender SH related to fourmajor components of a conceptual model proposed by Fitzgerald,Drasgow, Hulin, Gelfand, & Magley (1997). Thesecomponents include sexual harassment behaviors, personalvulnerability, target response styles, and consequences of the SH for the target. The sexualorientation of targets and perpetrators is notconsidered because data were unavailable. Results reveala number of meaningful differences between sameandother-gender SH. The most striking result is that maletargets of same-gender SH experience consequences thatare significantly more pervasive and severe than thoseexperienced by male targets of other-gender SH.Organizational implications are discussed.