Phonological and morphological consistency in the acquisition of vowel duration spelling in Dutch and German

In Dutch, vowel duration spelling is phonologically consistent but morphologically inconsistent (e.g., paar-paren). In German, it is phonologically inconsistent but morphologically consistent (e.g., Paar-Paare). Contrasting the two orthographies allowed us to examine the role of phonological and morphological consistency in the acquisition of the same orthographic feature. Dutch and German children in Grades 2 to 4 spelled singular and plural word forms and in a second task identified the correct spelling of singular and plural forms of the same nonword. Dutch children were better in word spelling, but German children outperformed the Dutch children in nonword selection. Also, whereas German children performed on a similar level for singular and plural items, Dutch children showed a large discrepancy. The results indicate that children use phonological and morphological rules from an early age but that the developmental balance between the two sources of information is constrained by the specific orthography.     

Deaf and hearing children's plural noun spelling

The present study examines deaf and hearing children's spelling of plural nouns. Severe literacy impairments are well documented in the deaf, which are believed to be a consequence of phonological awareness limitations. Fifty deaf (mean chronological age 13;10 years, mean reading age 7;5 years) and 50 reading-age-matched hearing children produced spellings of regular, semiregular, and irregular plural nouns in Experiment 1 and nonword plurals in Experiment 2. Deaf children performed reading-age appropriately on rule-based (regular and semiregular) plurals but were significantly less accurate at spelling irregular plurals. Spelling of plural nonwords and spelling error analyses revealed clear evidence for use of morphology. Deaf children used morphological generalization to a greater degree than their reading-age-matched hearing counterparts. Also, hearing children combined use of phonology and morphology to guide spelling, whereas deaf children appeared to use morphology without phonological mediation. Therefore, use of morphology in spelling can be independent of phonology and is available to the deaf despite limited experience with spoken language. Indeed, deaf children appear to be learning about morphology from the orthography. Education on more complex morphological generalization and exceptions may be highly beneficial not only for the deaf but also for other populations with phonological awareness limitations.     

Orthographic facilitation in oral vocabulary acquisition

An experiment investigated whether exposure to orthography facilitates oral vocabulary learning. A total of 58 typically developing children aged 8–9 years were taught 12 nonwords. Children were trained to associate novel phonological forms with pictures of novel objects. Pictures were used as referents to represent novel word meanings. For half of the nonwords children were additionally exposed to orthography, although they were not alerted to its presence, nor were they instructed to use it. After this training phase a nonword–picture matching posttest was used to assess learning of nonword meaning, and a spelling posttest was used to assess learning of nonword orthography. Children showed robust learning for novel spelling patterns after incidental exposure to orthography. Further, we observed stronger learning for nonword–referent pairings trained with orthography. The degree of orthographic facilitation observed in posttests was related to children's reading levels, with more advanced readers showing more benefit from the presence of orthography.     

Using morphology when spelling in a shallow orthographic system: The case of Spanish

Deep orthographies usually represent morphology and phonology simultaneously; both resources are necessary for spelling. In shallow orthographies, such as Spanish, phonology would be enough to spell most words. However, morphological knowledge may also take part in spelling. This study examined how Spanish children in 1st (N = 148), 2nd (N = 155) and 3rd grade (N = 155) use morphological information to spell plural nouns and verbs. A word dictation task was designed. The task included high and low frequency plural nouns ending in “s” (morphological “-s” condition) and verbs in the 2nd person ending in “s” (morphological “-s” condition). A lexical condition including words with a final “s” which was not morphologically motivated was used as a control condition (lexical “-s” condition). The results show that, although Spanish spelling is influenced by phonology, morphological information is also used. These results are discussed in relation to current models of word spelling.     

Developmental dysgraphias

Two cases of developmental dysgraphia are presented. These ten-year-old children are of at least average intelligence and vocabulary, with normal speech and no known neurological abnormality. Psycholinguistic investigations reveal that although performance for the two cases is quantitatively similar, there are marked qualitative differences: The majority of R.B.'s spelling errors are phonologically plausible, and she is better at spelling regular than irregular words. Non-word spelling is as good as word spelling. The pattern of spelling deficit is consistent with the label surface dysgraphia. A phonological route to spelling has developed in relative isolation from a lexical-semantic route to spelling. A.H.'s spelling contrasts in a number of ways with R.B.'s. Fewer than 1/5 of his spelling errors are phonologically plausible, and the spelling of regular words is no better than the spelling of irregular words. A.H. may have impaired development of the segmentation component of the phonological route and therefore be overreliant on an, albeit imperfect, lexical-semantic spelling route. Normal children at the same spelling level display patterns of performance similar to R.B. but differ quantitatively from A.H.     

Tracking irregular morphophonological dependencies in natural language: evidence from the acquisition of subject-verb agreement in French

This study examines French-learning infants’ sensitivity to grammatical non-adjacent dependencies involving subject-verb agreement (e.g., le/les garçons lit/lisent ‘the boy(s) read(s)’) where number is audible on both the determiner of the subject DP and the agreeing verb, and the dependency is spanning across two syntactic phrases. A further particularity of this subsystem of French subject-verb agreement is that number marking on the verb is phonologically highly irregular. Despite the challenge, the HPP results for 24- and 18-month-olds demonstrate knowledge of both number dependencies: between the singular determiner le and the non-adjacent singular verbal forms and between the plural determiner les and the non-adjacent plural verbal forms. A control experiment suggests that the infants are responding to known verb forms, not phonological regularities. Given the paucity of such forms in the adult input documented through a corpus study, these results are interpreted as evidence that 18-month-olds have the ability to extract complex patterns across a range of morphophonologically inconsistent and infrequent items in natural language.     

Phonology and orthography in reading aloud

This study investigated the orthographic and phonological contribution of visually masked primes to reading aloud in Dutch. Although there is a relatively clear mapping between the spelling and sound of words in Dutch, words starting with the letter c are ambiguous as to whether they begin with the phoneme /S/ (e.g., citroen, “lemon”) or with the phoneme /k/ (e.g., complot, “conspiracy”). Therefore, using words of this type, one can tease apart the contributions of orthographic and phonological activation in reading aloud. Dutch participants read aloud bisyllabic c-initial target words, which were preceded by visually masked, bisyllabic prime words that either shared the initial phoneme with the target (phonologically related) or the first grapheme (orthographically related) or both (phonologically and orthographically related). Unrelated primes did not share the first segment with the target. Response latencies in the phonologically related conditions were shorter than those in the unrelated condition. However, primes that were orthographically related did not speed up responses. One may conclude that the nature of the onset effect in reading aloud is phonological and not orthographic.     

Analogical effects in reading Dutch verb forms

Previous research has shown that the production of morphologically complex words in isolation is affected by the properties of morphologically, phonologically, or semantically similar words stored in the mental lexicon. We report five experiments with Dutch speakers that show that reading an inflectional word form in its linguistic context is also affected by analogical sets of formally similar words. Using the self-paced reading technique, we show in Experiments 1-3 that an incorrectly spelled suffix delays readers less if the incorrect spelling is in line with the spelling of verbal suffixes in other inflectional forms of the same verb. In Experiments 4 and 5, our use of the self-paced reading technique shows that formally similar words with different stems affect the reading of incorrect suffixal allomorphs on a given stem. These intra- and interparadigmatic effects in reading may be due to online processes or to the storage of incorrect forms resulting from analogical effects in production.     

Prelexical facilitation and lexical interference in auditory word recognition.

Phonological priming effects were examined in an auditory single-word shadowing task. In 6 experiments, target items were preceded by auditorily or visually presented, phonologically similar, word or nonword primes. Results revealed facilitation in response time when a target was preceded by a word or nonword prime having the same initial phoneme when the prime was auditorily presented but not when it was visually presented. Second, modality-independent interference was observed when the phonological overlap between the prime and target increased from 1 to 3 phonemes for word primes but not for nonword primes. Taken together, these studies suggest that phonological information facilitates word recognition as a result of excitation at a prelexical level and increases response time as a result of competition at a lexical level. These processes are best characterized by connectionist models of word recognition.     

Word identification in reading proceeds from spelling to sound to meaning

Van Orden (1987) reported that false positive errors in a categorization task are elevated for homophonic foils (e.g., HARE for A PART OF THE HUMAN BODY). Two new experiments replicate this finding and extend it to nonword homophone foils (e.g., SUTE FOR AN ARTICLE OF CLOTHING). False positive errors to nonword homophone foils substantially exceed false positive errors to nonhomophonic nonword spelling controls, showing that the phonological characteristics of the nonword foils are critical. Because nonwords are not represented in the lexicon, this new result implicates computed phonological codes as a source of the categorization errors. Additionally, in each of two experiments, matched word and nonword homophones produced virtually identical error rates. If stimulus nonword homophones are viewed as extremely unfamiliar words, compared with the relatively familiar stimulus word homophones, then our failure to observe an effect of stimulus familiarity strengthens the case that phonological coding plays a role in the identification of all printed words. The fact that the results are obtained in a categorization task that requires reading for meaning (rather than a lexical decision task) makes it difficult to avoid the conclusion that phonological mediation plays a role in normal reading of text for meaning.     

When children write nonwords to dictation

Skill in written spelling of simple, monosyllabic nonwords was investigated in 9- to 11-year-old English children. Two aspects of their spellings were of interest: first, could they spell these nonwords so that they sounded correct (nonword spelling accuracy), and second, did their spellings show evidence of biasing from words heard earlier in the test sequence? Nonword spelling was poorer for children of this age than for tested adults. Nevertheless, significant biasing occurred in these children's spellings, though not to the same extent as in adults' nonword spellings, and significant correlations emerged between reading age, nonword spelling skill, susceptibility to biasing, and real word spelling skill. Children with a reading age greater than 11 years showed biasing from word spellings that was within range of that reported for adults, and, for these more skilled readers, word spelling accuracy correlated significantly with both susceptibility to biasing and with nonword spelling accuracy. These children were not as accurate as tested adults at spelling nonwords. Children with a reading age below 11 years were poorer at nonword spelling and showed no overall biasing, yet they also showed a significant correlation between word spelling skill and nonword biasing. Together with evidence from the same task from adults with specific spelling disorders, these results suggest that word knowledge had a direct (biasing) and an indirect (general word spelling knowledge) effect on the performance of the nonword spelling task. But although skill in word spelling may be a necessary prerequisite for nonword spelling, it need not always be sufficient.     

Why simple verb forms can be so difficult to spell: the influence of homophone frequency and distance in Dutch.

Two experiments are reported in which the determinants of spelling errors on homophonous verb forms in Dutch were studied. Both experiments indicated that errors were determined by the frequency relationship between the two homophonous forms and the distance between the verb and the word determining its spelling. We propose an interference model for spelling in which a phonologically driven retrieval process is the locus of the frequency effect and a morphosyntactically driven computational component can account for the distance effect. Alternative explanations are also explored.     

Nonselective access of spelling–sound knowledge for Korean‐English bilinguals

An intense debate in monolingual research concerns the presence of phonological recoding in word recognition. Research supporting the phonological recoding hypothesis in monolingual research suggests the possibility of phonological recoding even in L2 recognition. There has been some experimental evidence showing phonological priming between L1 and L2 for alphabetic bilinguals (e.g., French‐Dutch). In the present study, lexical decision experiments used either L1 or L2 primes with targets from the other language at SOAs of 140 ms and 250 ms for Korean‐English bilinguals. It was found that phonological information activated by either an L1 or L2 prime can interact with phonological information in the other language. That is, L2 shares phonological information with L1, and its spelling–sound knowledge is activated, apparently automatically, at an SOA of 140 ms. The consistent pattern of phonological priming of both L1 and L2 targets at the 140 ms SOA indicates that the spelling–sound knowledge of bilingual lexicons is activated when any linguistic form is presented. Importantly, this indiscriminate activation of spelling–sound knowledge in the Korean‐English bilingual system occurs in the absence of any common orthographic cues because the two languages have totally different writing systems.     

词汇语音学习的影响因素

摘要 词汇语音的学习受哪些因素的影响是心理语言学研究中一个重要的问题。语音回路理论认为,语音短时记忆在词汇语音的学习过程中发挥着关键性的作用,语音短时记忆能力越好越有助于词汇的学习;语音敏感性假说认为,语音意识是影响儿童词汇发展及学习的重要因素;另外一些研究者认为,语音知识可能发挥着更为基础和关键的作用,最近的研究则更加强调几种因素如何相互作用影响词汇语音的学习。本文最后提出了该领域需要进一步研究的问题。     

Morphological knowledge as revealed in children's spelling accuracy and reports of spelling strategies

The goal of the current research was to assess whether children can make strategic use of morphological relations among words to spell. French-speaking children in Grade 4 spelled three word types: (a) phonological words that had regular phoneme-grapheme correspondences, (b) morphological words that had silent consonant endings for which a derivative revealed the silent ending, and (c) lexical words that had silent consonant endings for which no familiar derivative revealed the ending. Children were also asked to provide immediate retrospective reports of the strategies used to spell each word. Two experiments (Ns = 46 and 39) were conducted. As expected, children in Grade 4 spelled phonological words more accurately than they did words with silent consonant endings. In addition, children spelled morphological words more accurately than they did lexical words. Reports of using retrieval were associated with accurate performance across word types. Importantly, reports of using morphological strategies to spell morphological words were associated with a similar level of accuracy, as were reports of using retrieval. Even though children reported using a phonological strategy frequently across all word types, this strategy was associated with accurate performance only for spelling phonological words. Experiment 2 replicated the results of Experiment 1 with another set of stimuli and also showed that children's morphological awareness predicted their spelling accuracy for morphological words as well as the reported frequency of morphological strategy use. In sum, the findings revealed that most children showed evidence of adaptive strategy use.     

Loci of phonological effects in the lexical access of words written in a shallow orthography

Summary Three experiments are reported that extend previous observations on the slowing of lexical decisions by phonologically ambiguous forms of Serbo-Croatian words relative to the phonologically unambiguous forms of the same words. The phonological ambiguity arises from the presence of letters whose phoneme interpretation differs between the two Serbo-Croatian alphabets, the Roman and the Cyrillic. In the first experiment, target words were preceded by asterisks or by context words that were associatively related and alphabetically matched to the targets. The effect of word contexts (i.e., priming) was greater for phonologically ambiguous than for phonologically unambiguous targets. The second experiment manipulated the alphabetic match of context word and target word. The effect of this manipulation was limited to phonologically ambiguous words. The third experiment reproduced the details of the first with the addition of visual degradation of the target stimuli on half of the trials. The results of the first experiment were replicated but no interaction between context and visual degradation was observed. The discussion focused on phonologically mediated access of Serbo-Croatian words. A model was proposed in which phonological codes are assembled prelexically according to weighted grapheme-phoneme correspondence rules.     

Comparison between Oral and Written Spelling in Alzheimer's Disease

Written and oral spelling were compared in 33 patients with Alzheimer's disease (AD) and 25 control subjects. AD patients had poorer spelling results which were influenced by orthographic difficulty and word frequency, but not by grammatical word class. Lexical spelling was also more deteriorated than phonological spelling. Moreover, oral spelling was more impaired than written spelling in AD patients, whereas no difference was present between oral and written spelling of controls. Analysis of spelling errors showed that, for controls, errors were predominantly phonologically accurate in both spelling tasks. Significantly, AD patients produced more phonologically accurate than inaccurate errors in written spelling, whereas these errors did not differ in oral spelling. In contrast to controls who produced more constant than variable responses in oral and written spelling, AD patients made more variable responses (words correctly spelled in one task but incorrectly in the other) and they showed many instances of variable errors (different misspellings from one spelling task to the other). Two stepwise regression procedures showed that written misspellings were specifically correlated with language impairment, whereas oral spelling errors were correlated with attentional and language disorders. These results suggest that AD increases the attentional demands of oral spelling process as compared to written spelling. This dissociation argues, either for a unique Graphemic Buffer in which oral spelling requires more attentional resources than written spelling or for the hypothesis of separate buffers for oral and written spelling.     

Phonological ambiguity and lexical ambiguity: effects on visual and auditory word recognition

Three experiments in Serbo-Croatian were conducted on the effects of phonological ambiguity and lexical ambiguity on printed word recognition. Subjects decided rapidly if a printed and a spoken word matched or not. Printed words were either phonologically ambiguous (two possible pronunciations) or unambiguous. If phonologically ambiguous, either both pronunciations were real words or only one was, the other being a nonword. Spoken words were necessarily unambiguous. Half the spoken words were auditorily degraded. In addition, the relative onsets of speech and print were varied. Speed of matching print to speech was slowed by phonological ambiguity, and the effect was amplified when the stimulus was also lexically ambiguous. Auditory degradation did not interact with print ambiguity, suggesting that perception of the spoken word was independent of the printed word.     

Articulatory suppression and phonological codes in reading for meaning

The aim of this study was to investigate whether the phonological code that causes errors in printed sentence comprehension is affected by concurrent articulation. Forty adult subjects made speeded judgements of the acceptability of printed sentences. The critical sentences were foils that were (1) orthographi-cally unacceptable but phonologically acceptable (e.g. The palace had a thrown room), and (2) spelling controls that were orthographically and phonologically unacceptable (The palace had a thorns room). Half the subjects performed this task in silence (without concurrently articulating) and showed a marked phonological effect such that false alarms to phonologically acceptable foils were more frequent than false alarms to their spelling controls. The remaining subjects who performed this task with concurrent articulatory suppression showed an increase in false alarm rates, but no effect of phonology. In a control experiment using the same subjects, memory span for visually presented long and short words was measured under conditions of silence or concurrent articulation. The word length effect (Baddeley, Thomson, & Buchanan, 1975) disappeared under suppression, indicating that the suppression manipulation was highly effective. Thus the phonological codes that are used both in sentence comprehension and memory span are highly susceptible to articulatory suppression. We discuss possible relationships between phonological codes that mediate lexical access and those that support short-term verbal memory.