Preliminary letter identification in the perception of words and nonwords.

Words with mixed uppercase and lowercase letters (e.g. fAdE) were perceived more accurately than mixed-case pseudowords (e.g. gAdE), and mixed-case pseudowords were perceived more accurately than mixed-case unrelated letter strings (e.g. eFdT). In addition, same-case words were perceived more accurately than their mixed-case counterparts. The same held true for pseudowords but not for unrelated letter strings. The results are compatible with the view that both letter identify and visual form information are used in word perception.     

Repetition blindness for words yet repetition advantage for nonwords

Accuracy of report of words in a rapidly presented sequence is reduced if 1 word is a repetition of a previous word. This is repetition blindness. If, however, the items are pronounceable nonwords, or pseudohomophones, repetition improves recall. A repetition advantage for nonwords also occurs when subjects merely count the items or when the item between the critical nonwords is a familiar word. Familiarizing subjects with the nonwords improved the level of recall but did not affect the repetition advantage. These results are considered in relation to token individuation and other accounts of repetition blindness. The findings suggest that for identical linguistic stimuli the types bound to episodic memory tokens that are vulnerable to repetition blindness are lexical units.     

Learning nonwords: the Hebb repetition effect as a model of word learning

Page and Norris [(2008). Is there a common mechanism underlying word-form learning and the Hebb repetition effect? Experimental data and a modelling framework. In A. Thorn &; M. P. A. Page (Eds.), Interactions between short-term and long-term memory in the verbal domain; (2009). A model linking immediate serial recall, the Hebb repetition effect and the learning of phonological word forms. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 364(1536), 3737–3753. doi:10.1098/rstb.2009.0173] have suggested that the Hebb [(1961). Distinctive features of learning in the higher animal. In J. F. Delafresnaye (Ed.), Brain mechanisms and learning (pp. 37–46). Oxford: Blackwell] repetition paradigm can be considered as a laboratory analogue of word learning. In Hebb learning experiments, the lists of items to be learned are presented as discrete sequences. In contrast, novel words are, by definition, always heard as a single coarticulated whole. Might this undermine the claim that Hebb learning can shed light on word learning? Here we report an experiment comparing learning sequences of isolated syllables with learning the same sequences spoken as a single coarticulated nonword. The pattern of learning was similar in the two cases, suggesting that the Hebb repetition paradigm can indeed provide valuable insights into the way novel word forms are learned.     

Reading aloud polysyllabic words and nonwords: The syllabic length effect reexamined

Two experiments were run in order to reinvestigate the role of the number of syllables in naming. Experiment 1 (word naming) showed that effects of number of syllables on naming latency were observed for very low-frequency words but not for high-frequency words (thus replicating Jared & Seidenberg’s, 1990, finding). In Experiment 2 (nonword naming), syllabic length effects were also obtained for nonwords. Control experiments found no effect on the latency of delayed naming of the same words and nonwords. These results suggest that naming does require syllabic decomposition, at least for very low-frequency words and nonwords in French. In particular, these data are compatible with any model of reading that postulates that reading aloud depends on the activity of two procedures: (1) a procedure that operates in parallel across a letter string (and does not generate a strong syllabic length effect) and that is the predominant process in generating responses to high-frequency words, and (2) another procedure that operates serially across a letter string (and generates a strong syllabic length effect) and that is the predominant process in generating responses to very low-frequency words and nonwords. These results are discussed in the context of the multiple-trace memory model for polysyllabic word naming (Ans, Carbonnel, & Valdois, 1998).     

A re-evaluation of the phonological similarity effect in adults' short-term memory of words and nonwords

The phonological similarity effect (PSE) was studied in two tasks of serial recall, in one task of serial recognition and one item identification task. PSE occurred only in the former three tasks involving memory of order when study items were words and nonwords with an associative connectedness to long-term memory. Nonwords that, according to a reaction time assessment of associative value, were less well connected to long-term memory mechanisms, were not sensitive to phonological similarity. These results are discussed in relation to contemporary models of short-term memory that explain the PSE as a result of confusions of items that are similarly encoded in a phonological layer. This layer is identified as a higher-level phonological space that is accessed by words and nonwords of high associative value and not by nonwords of low associative value.     

Isolating visual units in the perception of words and nonwords

In three experiments, reaction times for same-different judgments were obtained for pairs of words, pronounceable nonwords (pseudowords), and unpronounceable nonwords. The stimulus strings were printed either in a single letter case or in one of several mixtures of upper- and lowercase letters. In Experiment 1, the stimuli were common one- and two-syllable words; in Experiment 2, the stimuli included both words and pseudowords; and in Experiment 3, words, pseudowords, and nonwords were used. The functional visual units for each string type were inferred from the effects that the number and placement of letter case transitions had onsame reaction time judgments. The evidence indicated a preference to encode strings in terms of multiletter perceptual units if they are present in the string. The data .also suggested that whole words can be used as functional visual units, although the extent of their use depends on contextual parameters such as knowledge that a word will be presented.     

Rhyme decisions to spoken words and nonwords

Lexical effects in auditory rhyme-decision performance were examined in three experiments. Experiment 1 showed reliable lexical involvement: rhyme-monitoring responses to words were faster than rhyme-monitoring responses to nonwords; and decisions were faster in response to high-frequency as opposed to low-frequency words. Experiments 2 and 3 tested for lexical influences in the rejection of three types of nonrhyming item: words, nonwords with rhyming lexical neighbors (e.g.,jop after the cuerob), and nonwords with no rhyming lexical neighbor (e.g.,vop afterrob). Words were rejected more rapidly than nonwords, and there were reliable differences in the speed and accuracy of rejection of the two types of nonword. The advantage for words over nonwords was replicated for positive rhyme decisions. However, there were no differences in the speed of acceptance, as rhymes, of the two types of nonword. The implications of these results for interactive and autonomous models of spoken word recognition are discussed. It is concluded that the differences in rejection of nonrhyming nonwords are due to the operation of a guessing strategy.     

Whole and part comparisons of words and nonwords

Under conditions of sequential presentation, two words are matched more quickly than are a single letter and the first letter of a word. An exception to this whole-word advantage was reported in 1980 by Umansky and Chambers, who used word pairs as stimuli, and asked subjects to compare the entire words or the words’ first letters. Experiment 1 showed that the stimulus lists used by Umansky and Chambers may not have constrained subjects to process the displays differently for wholistic and component comparisons. In those studies, the two words were identical onsame trials for both wholistic and first-letter comparisons, so that first-letter decisions could have been based on wholistic information. In the present study, lists were constructed so that first-letter decisions could not be determined correctly by wholistic information (e.g., BLAME/BEACH), and the whole-word advantage was replicated. Experiment 2 tested whether wholistic comparisons are generally superior to component comparisons. For consonant strings, first-letter comparisons were made more quickly than were whole-string comparisons. These results are interpreted as support for hierarchical models of visual word processing.     

Detection of intraword and interword letter repetition: A test of the word unitization hypothesis

Do words, as familiar units or gestalts, tend to swallow up and conceal their letter components (Pillsbury, 1897)? Letters typically are detected faster and more accurately in words than in nonwords (i.e., scrambled collections of letters), and in more frequent words than in less frequent words. However, a word advantage at encoding, where the representation of the string is formed, might compensate for, and thus mask, a word disadvantage at decoding and comparison, where the component letters of the representation are accessed and compared with the target letter. To better reveal any such word disadvantage, a task was used in this study that increased the amount of letter processing. Subjects judged whether a letter was repeated within a six-letter word or a nonword (Experiment 1; intraword letter repetition) or was repeated between two adjacent unrelated six-letter words or nonwords (Experiment 2; interword letter repetition). Contrary to Pillsbury's word unitization hypothesis, both types of letter repetition (intraword and interword) were detected faster and just as accurately with words as with nonwords. In Experiment 2, however, interword letter repetition was detected less accurately on common words (but not on rare words or third-order pseudowords) than on the corresponding nonwords. Thus, although the familiar word does not deny access to its own component letters, it does make their comparison with letters from other words more difficult.     

The effect of phonemic processing on the retention of graphemic representations for words and nonwords

The three experiments reported in this study were each conducted in two phases. The first phase of Experiment 1 involved a same-different comparison task requiring “same” responses for both mixed-case (e.g., MAIN main) and pure-case (e.g., near near) pairs. This was followed by Phase 2, a surprise recognition test in which a graphemic effect on word retention was indicated by the superior recognition accuracy obtained for pure-case compared with mixed-case pairs. The first phases of Experiments 2 and 3 involved pronounceability and imageability judgment tasks, respectively. Graphemic retention was assessed by contrasting recognition accuracy for letter strings presented, during Phase 2, in their original Phase 1 case, with letter strings presented, during Phase 2, in. a graphemically dissimilar new case. The experiments provided evidence that there was minimal retention of the graphemic representations from which the phonemic representations of words are generated and, further, that the locus of this effect is probably postlexical. Nonwords were recognized more accurately than words in all three experiments. The latter result was attributed to differences between nonwords and words in both graphemic retention and semantic distinctiveness.     

Visual search through words and nonwords in horizontal and vertical orientations.

In a repeated measurement design, 18 college women searched for target letters in 18 lists of common words, rare words, and nonwords arranged either vertically or horizontally. The mean search time in seconds for three trials in each of six conditions was expected to be significantly slower for nonwords than for words and for vertical orientations than for horizontal orientations. More importantly, a significant interaction was predicted between direction of search and the type of list searched. Results confirmed earlier findings that the two main effects were significant; the significant interaction provided empirical evidence that consideration needs to be given to both intraword redundancy and direction of visual search.     

Stroop effect in words that differ from color words in one letter only

In two experiments, participants named the color of a colored word, which was a Hebrew color word or a word in Hebrew that was different from a color word in one letter only. The magnitude of the Stroop effect increased with the location of the changed letter. It was smallest when the first letter of the color word was replaced, resulting in a noncolor word, and it was largest when the last letter was replaced. These results challenge the assumption that automatic reading, as indicated by the Stroop effect, can be explained exclusively by memory retrieval accounts of automaticity. The results also have implications for the sources of facilitation and inhibition in the Stroop effect.     

Immediate serial recall of words and nonwords: Tests of the retrieval-based hypothesis

In two experiments, the immediate serial recall of lists of words or nonwords was investigated under quiet and articulatory suppression conditions. The results showed better item recall for words but better order recall for nonwords, as measured with proportion of order errors per item recalled. Articulatory suppression hindered the recall of item information for both types of lists and of order information for words. These results are interpreted in light of a retrieval account in which degraded phonological traces must undergo a reconstruction process calling on long-term knowledge of the tobe-remembered items. The minimal long-term representations for nonwords are thought to be responsible for their lower item recall and their better order recall. Under suppression, phonological representations are thought to be minimal, producing trace interpretation problems responsible for the greater number of item and order errors, relative to quiet conditions. The very low performance for nonwords under suppression is attributed to the combination of degraded phonological information and minimal long-term knowledge.     

Repetition priming of words, pseudowords, and nonwords

In 5 experiments, the authors assessed repetition priming for words, pseudowords, and nonwords using a task that combines an implicit perceptual fluency measure and a recognition memory assessment for each list item. Words and pseudowords generated a consistently strong repetition effect even when there was a failure to recognize the stimulus. In 2 of the experiments, the repetition effect for nonwords was reliably above chance even when there was a failure to recognize the stimulus. The authors propose a parallel distributed processing (PDP) model based on the work of J. McClelland and D. Rumelhart (1985) as a way to understand the mechanisms potentially responsible for the pattern of findings. Although the error-driven nature of learning in the model results in a poor fit to the nonword priming data, this is not endemic to all PDP models. Using a model based on Hebbian learning, the authors instantiate a property that they believe is characteristic of implicit memory--that learning is primarily based on the strengthening of connections between units that become active during the processing of a stimulus. This model provides a far more satisfactory account of the data than does the error-driven model.     

The role of bigram frequency in the perception of words and nonwords

Memory & Cognition - Adult subjects decided whether strings of four, five, or six letters formed words or nonwords. Words and nonwords were equally probable stimuli, and there were equal...     

Letter search through words and nonwords: The effect of fixed,absent, or mutilated targets

The present study attempted to eliminate the word superiority effect found in letter search by holding the target letter fixed across trials. The expectation was that the target would thereby become so familiar and salient that the subject would "see" only that letter during search. Even with the target-letter held fixed (Experiment I), however, search was still faster through words than through nonwords, indicating that nontarget letters had been "seen" as well. Search also remained faster through words than through nonwords when the number of exposures to the target was further increased by having the subject search for the absence rather than the presence of the target letter (Experiment III). In line with the notion of "proofreader's errors," however, search became relatively more accurate on nonwords than on words when it required detection of the "mutilation" produced by substituting an F for an E, e.g., BASKFT, BAKFRY (Experiment IV).     

Reading, spelling, and recognition of briefly exposed words and nonwords.

Four groups distinct in terms of English reading comprehension and spelling skills were identified among 141 Japanese college students: 5 good readers and spellers, 6 good readers but poor spellers, 3 poor readers but good spellers, and 4 poor readers and poor spellers. They were then tested on instantaneous recognition of words and nonwords. Analysis showed that the recognition performance was more strongly associated with spelling than with reading comprehension. Immediate memory and "sophisticated" guessing, which were associated with spelling, were considered to be critical for the recognition task, but the hypothesis that a common processing mechanism is involved in instantaneous word recognition and spelling was rejected.     

Divided attention and prerecognition processing of spoken words and nonwords

Three recognition memory experiments examined phonemic similarity and false recognition under conditions of divided attention. The manipulation was presumed to have little effect on automatic, perceptual influences of memory. Prior research demonstrated that false recognition of a test word (e.g., discrepancy) was higher if the study list included a nonword derived from the future test word by changing a phoneme near the end of the item (e.g., discrepan/l/y) relative to an early phoneme change (e.g., /l/iscrepancy). The difference has been attributed to automatic, implicit activation of test words during prerecognition processing of related nonwords. Three experiments demonstrated that the late-change condition also contributed to higher false recognition rates with divided attention at encoding. Dividing attention disrupted recognition memory of studied words in Experiments 1 and 3. Results are discussed in terms of their relevance for an interpretation emphasizing the automatic, implicit activation of candidate words that occurs in the course of identifying spoken words and nonwords.