阴阳智慧说和《周易》系统论

阴阳智慧说和《周易》系统论施炎平从《易经》的卦象结构到《易传》的理念体系，已明显地体现了思维方式上的系统论特征，《周易》的这种系统论思维，很难说是《易经》卦象本身所具有的，更多的是通过阴阳观念的引进、诠释、阐发而形成的。本文试图证明：正是阴阳观念和《...     

《易传》阴阳思想的来源

在《易传》中，我们可以看到不少关于阴阳的概念，特别是，作者还把阴阳看成宇宙间一切事物运动变化最根本的原因，认为是“道”的基本内涵。《易传》这一思想是中国哲学思想史上的重大飞跃。在这里，我们有必要探究一下《易传》这些阴阳概念和阴阳思想的来源。有人说，《易传》的阴阳思想来自以老子为代表的道家，而不来自以孔子为代表的儒家，这种说法对吗？另外，它是不是还有更古老的来源？下面，我们就这些问题作些探讨。（一）殷周出土文字中的阴阳思想从十九世纪末直到现在，殷周甲骨文的大量出土，对我国古代文化的研究带来了勃勃生…     

"风水"阴阳哲学思想与察"气"体系研究

阴阳学说认为,一切存在物皆分阴阳,且具有阴阳对待、变化、和合的关系。风水学以《周易》为体,以“气”为核心,阴阳为两翼,在阴阳思想与“生气”思想结合的基础上,按《周易》“近取诸身,远取诸物”的取象方法分别进行阴阳取象,可得出“理气风水立体时空察气体系”和“峦头平面空间察气体系”两大风水体系。     

《太平经》的天道观及其治平思想──读《太平经》随笔

“道”、“气”、“神”三位合体论是《太平经》天道观的思想核心,也是《太平经》藉以统 摄其庞杂内容的根本观点。《大平经》以这种根本观点来指导其对周围世界的认识和社会实践,提 出了以奉天地、顺五行、协调阴阳、崇尚道德为纲领的杜会治平思想。这种社会治平思想的提出, 是以当时的社会制度和社会经济基础为其历史根源的。     

亦谈阴阳平衡论──与柳少逸、蔡锡英二同志商榷

亦谈阴阳平衡论──与柳少逸、蔡锡英二同志商榷赵辉贤《周易研究》１９９６年第２期载柳少逸、蔡锡英《从天子卦阴阳变化规律谈阴阳平衡论》（以下简称“柳文”）一文，对“阴阳平衡论”进行了“驳斥”。柳文说：“阴阳平衡论，将阴阳解释为‘动态平衡’，意为阴阳是平衡...     

《易经》:史上最好的心灵鸡汤

正《易经》将宇宙天地和人类社会总结为阴阳两种势力,并认为是阴阳两种力量的交互感应,推进了宇宙天地和社会的发展。阳代表天,阴代表地,阴阳交感产生万事万物。阳代表男,阴代表女,阴阳交感产生人类以及社会。所以,《易经》中一些"吉"的卦,一般都是上下两卦具有相通交感性质的,具有运动变化的特征;与之相反,一些"凶"     

《周易》经纶治国论

《周易》的阴阳变化理论,最终还是要服务于政治,过去曾有人称《易》学为经世之学,这种说法并不是没有道理的。按照六十四卦的模式,乾坤为天地之始,继乾坤之后的屯卦则为创世之始。《屯·象传》说:“云雷,屯。君子以经纶。”是说世界初创,社会洪荒,君子治世如治丝,要从杂乱中理出头绪来,变无序为有序。所以,“经纶”二字,就是指对国家社会要依据阴阳变化进行治理,这是作《易》的根本目的。本文将就此谈几个问题。     

《周易正义》:"无本论"向"气本论"转化的桥梁

《周易正义》是唐朝孔颖达为魏、晋时王弼、韩康伯《周易注》所作的疏,其总结并发展了汉易,促 进了汉易向宋易的转化。《周易正义》并成为王弼“无本论”向张载“气本论”转化的桥梁与中间环节。孔 颖达从“无本论”向张载“气本论”转化的主要标志,是他对“太虚”概念的阐发和对阴阳二气的阐释。     

以经学为治法——《日讲〈易经〉解义》的治世精神

《日讲〈易经〉解义》作为统治者经筵日讲的记录,其主要目的是通过对《周易》的诠释来寻求其中所蕴含的“王天下之道”。首先,《解义》提出圣人作《易》乃是以阴阳符号的变化模拟天地之道。阴阳变化之理涵盖了人生社会的变化,而要了悟阴阳变化之理就需提升自身的德性从而达到与天地相参的境界,故帝王要通过不断地修德去体悟天地自然阴阳之道,以便更好地治理社会。其次,《解义》将《周易》的元亨利贞之道与仁义礼智之德相融合,强调君王修德一方面要坚持存诚、主敬,提升内在的修养,另一方面还要培养应对不同情境的智慧。最后,《解义》认为达到圣王之境的帝王在治国理政的过程中要注意扶阳抑阴,近君子而远小人,最终达到刚柔相济、阴阳相互为用的境界,实现盛德大业的理想。     

《易经》《内经》阴阳说之比较

《易经》《内经》阴阳说之比较陈利国《易经》作为哲学典籍，其思想内容集中到一点，就是以阴阳两种属性的对立统一说明事物变化的原因和规律。《内经》作为中医学的经典著作。吸取了大量的哲学思想，建立起了以阴阳五行为论理工具，整体观念为主导思想，脏象经络为理论核...     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.