How does speed change affect induced motion?

The nature of a recently reported effect of speed on induced motion was investigated. Wallach and Becklen (1983) had found that the extent of induced motion decreases linearly with increases in presentation speed. We found that this speed effect occurred only in induced motion and not under conditions in which configurational change, which is responsible for induced motion, operated veridically. It took place whether configurational change was in conflict with ocular pursuit or with image displacement, and seemed to consist in diminished effectiveness of configurational change when it competed with one of these subject-relative stimuli.     

Do attentional focus instructions affect real-time reinvestment during level-ground walking in older adults?

Cognitive Processing - This study represents the first attempt in exploring whether attentional focus instructions could affect real-time reinvestment (conscious movement processing) in older...     

How does encoding context affect memory in younger and older adults?

How does encoding context affect memory? Participants studied visually presented words viewed concurrently with a rich (intact face) or weak (scrambled face) image as context and subsequently made "Remember", "Know", or "New" judgements to words presented alone. In Experiment 1a, younger, but not older, adults showed higher recollection accuracy to words from rich- than from weak-context encoding trials. The age-related deficit in recollection occurred, in Experiment 1b, even when encoding and retrieval time was doubled in older adults, suggesting that insufficient processing time cannot account for this age-related deficit. In Experiment 1c, dividing attention in young, during encoding, reduced overall memory, though the recollection boost from rich encoding contexts remained, suggesting that reduced attention resources cannot explain this age-related deficit. Experiment 2 showed that an own-age bias, to face images as context, could not explain the age-related differences either. Results suggest that age deficits in recollection stem from a lack of spontaneous binding, or elaboration, of context to target information during encoding.     

How does encoding context affect memory in younger and older adults?

How does encoding context affect memory? Participants studied visually presented words viewed concurrently with a rich (intact face) or weak (scrambled face) image as context and subsequently made “Remember”, “Know”, or “New” judgements to words presented alone. In Experiment 1a, younger, but not older, adults showed higher recollection accuracy to words from rich- than from weak-context encoding trials. The age-related deficit in recollection occurred, in Experiment 1b, even when encoding and retrieval time was doubled in older adults, suggesting that insufficient processing time cannot account for this age-related deficit. In Experiment 1c, dividing attention in young, during encoding, reduced overall memory, though the recollection boost from rich encoding contexts remained, suggesting that reduced attention resources cannot explain this age-related deficit. Experiment 2 showed that an own-age bias, to face images as context, could not explain the age-related differences either. Results suggest that age deficits in recollection stem from a lack of spontaneous binding, or elaboration, of context to target information during encoding.     

How does familiarity with a voice affect trait judgements?

From only a single spoken word, listeners can form a wealth of first impressions of a person’s character traits and personality based on their voice. However, due to the substantial within-person variability in voices, these trait judgements are likely to be highly stimulus-dependent for unfamiliar voices: The same person may sound very trustworthy in one recording but less trustworthy in another. How trait judgements differ when listeners are familiar with a voice is unclear: Are listeners who are familiar with the voices as susceptible to the effects of within-person variability? Does the semantic knowledge listeners have about a familiar person influence their judgements? In the current study, we tested the effect of familiarity on listeners’ trait judgements from variable voices across 3 experiments. Using a between-subjects design, we contrasted trait judgements by listeners who were familiar with a set of voices – either through laboratory-based training or through watching a TV show – with listeners who were unfamiliar with the voices. We predicted that familiarity with the voices would reduce variability in trait judgements for variable voice recordings from the same identity (cf. Mileva, Kramer & Burton, Perception, 48, 471 and 2019, for faces). However, across the 3 studies and two types of measures to assess variability, we found no compelling evidence to suggest that trait impressions were systematically affected by familiarity.     

How does repetition affect memory? Evidence from judgments of recency

Four experiments were done to investigate the effects of repetition on judgment of recency (JOR). Experiment 1 showed that repetition can make an item seem either more recent or less recent than a nonrepeated item, depending on presentation spacing. Experiments 2-4 showed that subjects are able to judge the recency of a repeated item’s first presentation or of its second presentation with a high degree of independence, especially if they report that the item occurred twice. The data are more consistent with an independent-trace explanation of JOR and repetition than with a cumulative-strength account, but neither hypothesis explains how repetition can make an item seem less recent. It is proposed that the findings as a whole can be better explained by a hypothesis based on recursive reminding.     

How does prior knowledge affect implicit and explicit concept learning?

Two experiments investigated the effect of prior knowledge on implicit and explicit learning. Implicit as opposed to explicit learning is sometimes characterized as unselective or purely statistical. During training, one group of participants was presented with category exemplars whose features could be tied together by integrative knowledge, whereas another group saw category exemplars with unrelated feature combinations. Half of the participants in each group learned these categories under a secondary-task condition (meant to discourage explicit learning), and the remaining half performed the categorization task under a single-task condition (meant to favour explicit learning). In a test phase, participants classified only the individual features of the training exemplars. Secondary- as opposed to single-task conditions impaired explicit but not implicit knowledge (as determined by subjective measures). Importantly, prior knowledge resulted in increased amounts of both implicit and explicit knowledge.     

How do skeletal and postural parameters contribute to maintain balance during walking?

IntroductionMaintaining balance during gait allows subjects to minimize energy expenditure and avoid falls. Gait balance can be measured by assessing the relationship between the center of mass (COM) and center of pressure (COP) during gait. Demographics, skeletal and postural parameters are known to influence gait balance.PurposeWhat are the determinants of dynamic balance during gait in asymptomatic adults among skeletal and demographic parameters?Methods115 adults underwent 3D gait analysis and full-body biplanar X-rays. Angles between the COM-COP line and the vertical were calculated in frontal and sagittal planes during gait: maxima, minima, and ROM were evaluated. Full-body 3D reconstructions were obtained; skeletal and postural parameters of the spine (lumbar lordosis, thoracic kyphosis, sagittal vertical axis SVA), pelvis (pelvic tilt and incidence, acetabular orientation in the 3 planes) and lower limbs (neck shaft angle femoral and tibial torsions) were calculated. A univariate followed by a multivariate analysis were computed between the COM-COP parameters and skeletal and demographic parameters.ResultsThe univariate analysis showed that in the frontal plane, maximum (4.6°) of the COM-COP angle was significantly correlated with weight (r = 0.53), age (r = 0.28), height (r = 0.35), SVA (r = 0.23), T1T12 (r = 0.24) and pelvic width (r = 0.25).In the sagittal plane, maximum COM-COP (19.7 ± 2.8°) angle was significantly correlated to acetabular tilt (r = 0.25) and acetabular anteversion (r = 0.21). The multivariate analysis showed that, in the frontal plane, an increase in the maximum of the COM-COP angle was determined by a decreasing height (β = −0.28), an increasing weight (β = 0.48), being a male (β = −0.42), and an increasing posterior acetabular coverage (β = 0.22). In the sagittal plane, an increasing maximum COM-COP angle was determined by a decreasing height (β = −0.38) and an increasing SVA (β = 0.19).ConclusionFrontal imbalance appeared to be mainly correlated to demographic parameters. Sagittal imbalance was found to be correlated with weight, height, acetabular parameters and SVA. These results suggest that in addition to demographic parameters, acetabular parameters and SVA are important determinants of balance during gait.     

How does dysfunctional thinking decrease during recovery from major depression?

Decreased dysfunctional thinking in recovering depressed patents could reflect predominantly (a). reduced access to dysfunctional schemas or (b). increased metacognitive monitoring of dysfunctional schematic products. Twenty acutely depressed patients, 20 partially remitted depressed patients, and 20 controls were compared on tasks primarily reflecting one or the other of these processes. On both tasks, acutely depressed patients differed significantly from controls. Partially remitted patients resembled acutely depressed patients on the task assessing dysfunctional schema access but resembled controls on the metacognitive monitoring task. Results suggest that reduced dysfunctional thinking associated with partial remission is mediated primarily by increased metacognitive monitoring of dysfunctional cognitive products rather than reduced access to dysfunctional schemas.     

How does a vacation from work affect employee health and well-being?

Health and well-being (H&W) improve during vacation. However, it is unclear whether this general development applies to all employees, while also little is known about the underlying processes causing such an improvement. Our research questions were: (1) Does every worker experience a positive effect of vacation on H&W? and (2) Can vacation activities and experiences explain changes in H&W during vacation? In a 7-week longitudinal field study, 96 workers reported their H&W 2 weeks before, during, 1 week, 2 and 4 weeks after a winter sports vacation on 6 indicators (health status, mood, fatigue, tension, energy level and satisfaction). Sixty percent of the sample experienced substantial improvement of H&W during and after vacation. Yet, a small group experienced no (23%) or a negative effect of vacation (17%). Spending limited time on passive activities, pleasure derived from vacation activities, and the absence of negative incidents during vacation explained 38% of the variance in the vacation effect. Although vacation has a positive, longer lasting effect for many, it is not invariably positive for all employees. Choosing especially pleasant vacation activities and avoiding negative incidents as well as passive activities during active vacations apparently contributes to the positive effect of vacation on H&W.     

How does a vacation from work affect employee health and well-being?

Health and well-being (H&W) improve during vacation. However, it is unclear whether this general development applies to all employees, while also little is known about the underlying processes causing such an improvement. Our research questions were: (1) Does every worker experience a positive effect of vacation on H&W? and (2) Can vacation activities and experiences explain changes in H&W during vacation? In a 7-week longitudinal field study, 96 workers reported their H&W 2 weeks before, during, 1 week, 2 and 4 weeks after a winter sports vacation on 6 indicators (health status, mood, fatigue, tension, energy level and satisfaction). Sixty percent of the sample experienced substantial improvement of H&W during and after vacation. Yet, a small group experienced no (23%) or a negative effect of vacation (17%). Spending limited time on passive activities, pleasure derived from vacation activities, and the absence of negative incidents during vacation explained 38% of the variance in the vacation effect. Although vacation has a positive, longer lasting effect for many, it is not invariably positive for all employees. Choosing especially pleasant vacation activities and avoiding negative incidents as well as passive activities during active vacations apparently contributes to the positive effect of vacation on H&W.     

How does aging affect recognition-based inference? A hierarchical Bayesian modeling approach

The recognition heuristic (RH) is a simple strategy for probabilistic inference according to which recognized objects are judged to score higher on a criterion than unrecognized objects. In this article, a hierarchical Bayesian extension of the multinomial r-model is applied to measure use of the RH on the individual participant level and to re-evaluate differences between younger and older adults' strategy reliance across environments. Further, it is explored how individual r-model parameters relate to alternative measures of the use of recognition and other knowledge, such as adherence rates and indices from signal-detection theory (SDT). Both younger and older adults used the RH substantially more often in an environment with high than low recognition validity, reflecting adaptivity in strategy use across environments. In extension of previous analyses (based on adherence rates), hierarchical modeling revealed that in an environment with low recognition validity, (a) older adults had a stronger tendency than younger adults to rely on the RH and (b) variability in RH use between individuals was larger than in an environment with high recognition validity; variability did not differ between age groups. Further, the r-model parameters correlated moderately with an SDT measure expressing how well people can discriminate cases where the RH leads to a correct vs. incorrect inference; this suggests that the r-model and the SDT measures may offer complementary insights into the use of recognition in decision making. In conclusion, younger and older adults are largely adaptive in their application of the RH, but cognitive aging may be associated with an increased tendency to rely on this strategy.     

How does processing affect storage in working memory tasks? Evidence for both domain-general and domain-specific effects

Two studies that examine whether the forgetting caused by the processing demands of working memory tasks is domain-general or domain-specific are presented. In each, separate groups of adult participants were asked to carry out either verbal or nonverbal operations on exactly the same processing materials while maintaining verbal storage items. The imposition of verbal processing tended to produce greater forgetting even though verbal processing operations took no longer to complete than did nonverbal processing operations. However, nonverbal processing did cause forgetting relative to baseline control conditions, and evidence from the timing of individuals' processing responses suggests that individuals in both processing groups slowed their responses in order to "refresh" the memoranda. Taken together the data suggest that processing has a domain-general effect on working memory performance by impeding refreshment of memoranda but can also cause effects that appear domain-specific and that result from either blocking of rehearsal or interference.     

How does the severity of a learning disability affect working memory performance?

Working memory performance was examined in children aged 11-12 years who had borderline, mild, and moderate learning disabilities. Comparisons with children of average abilities were used to determine whether those with more severe learning disabilities had greater impairments in working memory. Seven measures of working memory span were used to assess temporary phonological short-term storage (digit span, word span), temporary visuo-spatial short-term storage (pattern span, spatial span), and temporary short-term storage with additional processing, or central executive, demands (listening span, odd one out span, reverse digit span). Children with mild and moderate learning disabilities were impaired on all measures of working memory compared to children of average abilities. Children with borderline learning disabilities were just as good as children with average abilities on visuo-spatial and complex span tasks, but showed an impairment on phonological span tasks. Children with moderate learning disabilities were indistinguishable from children with mild learning disabilities on simple span tasks, but were significantly poorer than the mild group on the more demanding complex span tasks. For the group as a whole, working memory was strongly related to mental age.     

How does the severity of a learning disability affect working memory performance?

Working memory performance was examined in children aged 11-12 years who had borderline, mild, and moderate learning disabilities. Comparisons with children of average abilities were used to determine whether those with more severe learning disabilities had greater impairments in working memory. Seven measures of working memory span were used to assess temporary phonological short-term storage (digit span, word span), temporary visuo-spatial short-term storage (pattern span, spatial span), and temporary short-term storage with additional processing, or central executive, demands (listening span. odd one out span, reverse digit span). Children with mild and moderate learning disabilities were impaired on all measures of working memory compared to children of average abilities. Children with borderline learning disabilities were just as good as children with average abilities on visuo-spatial and complex span tasks, but showed an impairment on phonological span tasks. Children with moderate learning disabilities were indistinguishable from children with mild learning disabilities on simple span tasks, but were significantly poorer than the mild group on the more demanding complex span tasks. For the group as a whole, working memory was strongly related to mental age.     

How does social essentialism affect the development of inter‐group relations?

Psychological essentialism is a pervasive conceptual bias to view categories as reflecting something deep, stable, and informative about their members. Scholars from diverse disciplines have long theorized that psychological essentialism has negative ramifications for inter‐group relations, yet little previous empirical work has experimentally tested the social implications of essentialist beliefs. Three studies (N = 127, ages 4.5–6) found that experimentally inducing essentialist beliefs about a novel social category led children to share fewer resources with category members, but did not lead to the out‐group dislike that defines social prejudice. These findings indicate that essentialism negatively influences some key components of inter‐group relations, but does not lead directly to the development of prejudice.     

How does perfectionism affect academic achievement? Examining the mediating role of accurate self-assessment

Perfectionism, a multidimensional disposition encompassing both positive and negative attributes, has been widely examined in a number of different fields, one of which is academics. However, results of research on the precise connection between perfectionism and academic success remain largely inconclusive. The present study, therefore, attempted to identify this underlying mechanism by examining the mediating role of accurate self-assessment in the relationship between perfectionism and academic achievement of college students. The results revealed that while perfectionistic concerns and strivings did not directly affect academic achievement, their indirect effects were statistically significant. Perfectionistic concerns negatively predicted academic achievement through inaccurate self-assessment, whereas perfectionistic strivings positively predicted academic achievement through accurate self-assessment. These findings are expected to promote a practical and balanced understanding of academic perfectionism by explaining the relationship between the sub-dimensions of perfectionism and academic achievement.     

How does discourse among like-minded individuals affect their thinking about a complex issue?

Is there reason to be concerned about what has been seen as an increasing trend for discourse on complex issues to be confined to an “echo chamber” of like-minded individuals? To investigate how thinking regarding an issue changes in form following concentrated discourse with like-minded peers, we undertook a qualitative examination of changes in the reasoning that 34 older adults used to justify their positions prior to and following such discourse. They showed a divergence of patterns. A minority abandoned mention of previously expressed ideas at odds with their own positions or otherwise narrowed the reasoning used to justify their positions. Consistent with findings from previous studies, only a minority showed increased certainty and/or extremity (polarisation) on quantitative scales. Countering this minority were a larger proportion whose thinking appeared to benefit from such engagement in several respects that we describe. A follow-up study compares results for a sample of young adults.