Analyzing anger: how to make people mad

Does simple displeasure cause anger without appraisals or agency attributions? The authors offer 8 observations: (a) Appraisal theory also predicts that displeasure promotes anger, (b) An emotion of frustration can be usefully distinguished from anger, (c) Aggressive reactions to norm violations among animals suggest that they too distinguish bad behavior from bad outcomes, (d) Attributions to agency are perceptual and automatic in social situations, (e) It is tenuous to argue that agency attributions are enacted in angry aggression, but absent in anger elicitation. (f) The contextualized meanings of expressive movements, rather than movements themselves, elicit emotion, (g) Expressions may be better seen as constituents than as causes of emotions, (h) Cognitive components of emotion generally come before, not after, eliciting events.     

Conjoint marital therapy to enhance anger management and reduce spouse abuse

Abstract

This paper describes a treatment program for couples who mishandle anger and/or are physically abusive. Based on a social learning conception of marital aggression, the treatment endorses the elimination of demonstrations of anger in abusive couples and elaborates upon ways to identify preliminary anger cues, to establish a ground rule that abusiveness is unacceptable, to develop alternative responses that interrupt conflict patterns, and to modify faulty relationship assumptions. Methods to improve couples' problem-solving skills and to enhance their overall enjoyment of the relationship are also proposed as important supplements to the training in anger management skills.     

Beliefs about obsessional thoughts

Recent cognitive-behavioral formulations of obsessive-compulsive disorder postulate that intrusive or obsessional thoughts are subject to appraisal. Extreme beliefs about the occurrence and meaning of intrusive thoughts direct appraisal, thus causing marked distress and subjective responsibility which may lead to neutralizing activity. A brief self-report belief inventory was developed from a 92-item pool to assess extreme beliefs concerning intrusive thoughts and responsibility, the control of such thoughts and their possible consequences, and the appropriateness of guilt and neutralizing behavior as a response. The inventory was developed sequentially on two nonclinical samples (N=125, N=265) to distinguish between neutralizing and nonneutralizing subjects. Initial psychometric data for the final instrument were obtained for two further nonclinical samples (N=61, N=50) along with a sample of OCD patients and a matched control group. The instrument showed satisfactory reliability and evidence of criterion, convergent, discriminant, and factorial validity. Finally, data from a heterogeneous outpatient medical sample (N=299) was used to test the relationship among obsessive-compulsive symptoms, mood state, and beliefs. The implications of these results for contemporary models of obsessive-compulsive disorder are discussed.     

Beliefs about hearing voices

People who experience auditory verbal hallucinations (AVHs) vary in whether they believe their AVHs are self-generated or caused by external agents. It remains unclear whether these differences are influenced by the “intensity” of the voices, such as their frequency or volume, or other aspects of their phenomenology. We examined 35 patients with schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder who experienced AVHs. Patients completed a detailed structured interview about their AVHs, including beliefs about their cause. In response, 20 (57.1%) reported that their AVHs were self-generated, 9 (25.7%) were uncertain, and 6 (17.1%) reported that their AVHs were caused by external agents. Several analytical approaches revealed little or no evidence for associations between either AVH intensity or phenomenology and beliefs about the AVH’s cause; the evidence instead favoured the absence of these associations. Beliefs about the cause of AVHs are thus unlikely to be explained solely by the phenomenological qualities of the AVHs.     

The driving anger expression inventory: a measure of how people express their anger on the road

Four ways people express their anger when driving were identified. Verbal Aggressive Expression (alpha=0.88) assesses verbally aggressive expression of anger (e.g., yelling or cursing at another driver); Personal Physical Aggressive Expression (alpha=0.81), the ways the person uses him/herself to express anger (e.g., trying to get out and tell off or have a physical fight with another driver); Use of the Vehicle to Express Anger (alpha=0.86), the ways the person uses his/her vehicle to express anger (e.g., flashing lights at or cutting another driver off in anger); and Adaptive/Constructive Expression (alpha=0.90), the ways the person copes positively with anger (e.g., focuses on safe driving or tries to relax). Aggressive forms can be summed into Total Aggressive Expression Index (alpha=0.90). Aggressive forms of expression correlated positively with each other (rs=0.39-0.48), but were uncorrelated or correlated negatively with adaptive/constructive expression (rs=-0.02 to -0.22). Aggressive forms of anger expression correlated positively with driving-related anger, aggression, and risky behavior; adaptive/constructive expression tended to correlate negatively with these variables. Differences in the strengths of correlations and regression analyses supported discriminant and incremental validity and suggested forms of anger expression contributed differentially to understanding driving-related behaviors. Theoretical and treatment implications were explored.     

Response to Hanks and McDermott: Temporal Evolution of Beliefs and Beliefs about Temporal Evolution

This paper critically evaluates the celebrated paper of Hanks and McDermott on temporal projection, non-monotonic reasoning, and the frame problem. First I argue against their intuitions, and a fortiori, against their proposed solution. Next, I suggest how the solution they desire could be obtained, were they willing to represent the problem a bit differently.     

Subjective probability intervals: how to reduce overconfidence by interval evaluation

Format dependence implies that assessment of the same subjective probability distribution produces different conclusions about over- or underconfidence depending on the assessment format. In 2 experiments, the authors demonstrate that the overconfidence bias that occurs when participants produce intervals for an uncertain quantity is almost abolished when they evaluate the probability that the same intervals include the quantity. The authors successfully apply a method for adaptive adjustment of probability intervals as a debiasing tool and discuss a tentative explanation in terms of a naive sampling model. According to this view, people report their experiences accurately, but they are naive in that they treat both sample proportion and sample dispersion as unbiased estimators, yielding small bias in probability evaluation but strong bias in interval production.     

Beliefs about personality change and continuity

Lay conceptions of personality change and continuity were examined in a sample of 112 undergraduates. Participants rated their personal change over 5 years (past or future), the change they perceived to be normative over 10-year age spans between 15 and 65, their beliefs about whether personality is fixed or malleable (“lay theories”) and their beliefs about the causes of personality change and continuity. Beliefs about normative personality change generally corresponded to research evidence on adult trajectories of the Big Five factors, with some age bias, whereas recalled and anticipated personal change tended to be more positive than these norms. Participants tended to endorse environmental causes more for personality change than for continuity. Lay theories were not consistently associated with these causal beliefs, or with beliefs about personal and normative change.     

Beliefs about female and male nonverbal communication

Participants (N= 441) rated from 1 to 10 how frequently or well they believed hypothetical women and men performed each of twenty nonverbal behaviors or skills. Women were believed to use more expressive and involved nonverbal behaviors than men, and to be more skilled at sending and receiving nonverbal messages. Men were believed to be louder and more interruptive, and to display more nervous, dysfluent behaviors. Ratings given to females by females were higher than were ratings in the other gender combinations for over half the variables, which may accurately describe female—female interaction. Perceived gender differences correlated positively with differences reported in observational studies, indicating that beliefs about nonverbal gender differences were generally accurate. The authors wish to thank Tom Leahy for his assistance in data collection.     

Blinded by anger or feeling the love: how emotions influence advice taking

Across 2 experiments, the authors demonstrate that emotional states influence how receptive people are to advice. The focus of these experiments is on incidental emotions, emotions triggered by a prior experience that is irrelevant to the current situation. The authors demonstrate that people who feel incidental gratitude are more trusting and more receptive to advice than are people in a neutral emotional state, and people in a neutral state are more trusting and more receptive to advice than are people who feel incidental anger. In these experiments, greater receptivity to advice increased judgment accuracy. People who felt incidental gratitude were more accurate than were people in a neutral state, and people in a neutral state were more accurate than were people who felt incidental anger. The results offer insight into how people use advice, and the authors identify conditions under which leaders, policy makers, and advisors may be particularly influential.     

Taking the fight out of people: Exploring how defeat modulates the automatic aggressive response to facial anger

Past studies indicate that angry facial expressions automatically activate an aggressive response, seeming to support the view that humans possess an inborn, automatic tendencies to aggress. However, the current authors drew on influential models from evolutionary game theory to suggest that experiences of defeat may modulate this tendency. To examine this, four experiments were conducted to explore how defeat may modulate this aggressive response. In each study, participants executed simulated fight or flight responses based a computerized opponent's facial expression. Across studies, participants were typically faster to initiate fight (than flight) responses against an angry opponent. Simply losing simulated fights (Experiment 1) or experiencing aversive, white noise following simulated losses (Experiment 2) did not eliminate this tendency. However, when aversive noise was specifically experienced after losing to an angry opponent, the automatic aggressive response was eliminated (Experiment 3). This result was directly replicated (Experiment 4). Thus, these studies isolate the cues which automatize submissive behavior and show that fighting experience can modulate even our automatic aggressive responses to others’ anger displays.     

Implicit theories about interrelations of anger components in 25 countries

We were interested in the cross-cultural comparison of implicit theories of the interrelations of eight anger components (antecedents, body sensations, cognitive reactions, verbal expressions, nonverbal expressions, interpersonal responses, and primary and secondary self-control). Self-report scales of each of these components were administered to a total of 5,006 college students in 25 countries. Equivalence of the scales was supported in that scales showed acceptable congruence coefficients in almost all comparisons. A multigroup confirmatory factor model with three latent variables (labeled internal processes, behavioral outcomes, and self-control mechanisms) could well account for the interrelations of the eight observed variables; measurement and structural weights were invariant. Behavioral outcomes and self-control mechanisms were only associated through their common dependence on internal processes. Verbal expressions and cognitive reactions showed the largest cross-cultural differences in means, whereas self-control mechanisms scales showed the smallest differences. Yet, cultural differences between the countries were small. It is concluded that anger, as measured by these scales, shows more pronounced cross-cultural similarities than differences in terms of both interrelations and mean score levels.     

Beliefs about Overconfidence,Including Its Cross-National Variation

A commonly used judgment research task requires the subject to choose among alternative answers to a general knowledge question and then state a probability that the selected response is correct. People often exhibit overconfidence in this task. Such overconfidence is stronger in most Asian countries than in Western countries. This article addresses lay expectations and accounts for this difference, as well as for such overconfidence more generally. An empirical study demonstrated that subjects in both Taiwan and the United States typically expect cross-national variations to be the opposite of those that actually occur. It also showed that dominant lay theories for overconfidence rest exclusively on factors such as inflated self-appraisals. A review revealed that such accounts are consistent with scholarly self-esteem explanations for a variety of self-appraisals. However, existing data imply that overconfidence in general knowledge rests on other mechanisms. The extensive theoretical and practical implications of the observed overconfidence misattributions and cross-national variations are discussed.     

The Culture Specificity of Epistemological Beliefs about Learning

The present study analyzed the nature of epistemological beliefs about learning (learning beliefs) in Korea and the United States. Learning beliefs are implicit assumptions held by learners about the source and certainty of knowledge and the ways to obtain knowledge. For the comparative analysis of both the model and the nature of learning beliefs across two countries that differ in emphasis on individualism and collectivism, two attempts were made. First, Jehng, Johnson, and Anderson's (1993) study was replicated with university students from the US (N=496) and Korea (N=487). Second, the relationship between US students' learning beliefs and the two aspects of their self-construal (independent and interdependent) was analyzed by using a scale developed by Singelis (1994) which measures cultural orientation of individualism and collectivism at the individual level. Factor analyses of the US sample confirmed the conceptual model proposed by Jehng et al. The factor structure of the Korean sample, however, showed significant variation reflecting the collectivistic values of Korea. MANCOVA indicated that the two developmental factors, age and the amount of formal education, were related with American students' beliefs, but they were not with those of Korean students. MANCOVA revealed that US students' beliefs are significantly related with the independent self-construal, but not with the interdependent self-construal. The differences between the two samples in terms of the impact of formal education and self-construal on learning beliefs will be further discussed by focusing on the cultural differences between the two countries.     

Beliefs about aggression among male and female prisoners

This study investigated instrumental and expressive beliefs about aggression, and their association with self-reported aggression, among male (N = 62) and female (N = 47) prisoners serving sentences in closed prisons in the North of England. Instrumental but not expressive beliefs were strongly correlated with measures of aggression. Expressive beliefs were significantly higher among females than males, but unlike previous findings, there were no significant sex differences in instrumental beliefs or in physical aggression. However, age was significantly negatively correlated with instrumental beliefs, physical aggression, anger and hostility. Those convicted for violent offences showed significantly higher scores for physical aggression and anger, but lower scores for expressive beliefs. The results provide both similarities and contrasts with previous findings for student samples. Aggr. Behav. 23:405–415, 1997. © 1997 Wiley-Liss, Inc.