语言线索下视觉空间知觉任务的性别差异

为了探索不同方位辨别方式的男女差异,采用自编的经过心理测量学检测符合指标的空间知觉量表和三个语言线索下方位辨别任务范式实验,在测验和实验3中设计两种空间知觉加工方式,即东西南北和前后左右;在实验1中设计东西南北;在实验2中设计前后左右。测验,实验1和实验3均发现,在东西南北方位辨别上存在显著的性别差异,且男生优于女生;测验,实验2和实验3均发现,在前后左右方位辨别上不存在显著的性别差异。这表明男生更擅长于使用东西南北的方位辨别方式。     

Cross-cultural differences in mental representations of time: evidence from an implicit nonlinguistic task

Across cultures people construct spatial representations of time. However, the particular spatial layouts created to represent time may differ across cultures. This paper examines whether people automatically access and use culturally specific spatial representations when reasoning about time. In Experiment 1, we asked Hebrew and English speakers to arrange pictures depicting temporal sequences of natural events, and to point to the hypothesized location of events relative to a reference point. In both tasks, English speakers (who read left to right) arranged temporal sequences to progress from left to right, whereas Hebrew speakers (who read right to left) arranged them from right to left, replicating previous work. In Experiments 2 and 3, we asked the participants to make rapid temporal order judgments about pairs of pictures presented one after the other (i.e., to decide whether the second picture showed a conceptually earlier or later time-point of an event than the first picture). Participants made responses using two adjacent keyboard keys. English speakers were faster to make "earlier" judgments when the "earlier" response needed to be made with the left response key than with the right response key. Hebrew speakers showed exactly the reverse pattern. Asking participants to use a space-time mapping inconsistent with the one suggested by writing direction in their language created interference, suggesting that participants were automatically creating writing-direction consistent spatial representations in the course of their normal temporal reasoning. It appears that people automatically access culturally specific spatial representations when making temporal judgments even in nonlinguistic tasks.     

How linguistic and cultural forces shape conceptions of time: English and Mandarin time in 3D

In this paper we examine how English and Mandarin speakers think about time, and we test how the patterns of thinking in the two groups relate to patterns in linguistic and cultural experience. In Mandarin, vertical spatial metaphors are used more frequently to talk about time than they are in English; English relies primarily on horizontal terms. We present results from two tasks comparing English and Mandarin speakers' temporal reasoning. The tasks measure how people spatialize time in three-dimensional space, including the sagittal (front/back), transverse (left/right), and vertical (up/down) axes. Results of Experiment 1 show that people automatically create spatial representations in the course of temporal reasoning, and these implicit spatializations differ in accordance with patterns in language, even in a non-linguistic task. Both groups showed evidence of a left-to-right representation of time, in accordance with writing direction, but only Mandarin speakers showed a vertical top-to-bottom pattern for time (congruent with vertical spatiotemporal metaphors in Mandarin). Results of Experiment 2 confirm and extend these findings, showing that bilinguals' representations of time depend on both long-term and proximal aspects of language experience. Participants who were more proficient in Mandarin were more likely to arrange time vertically (an effect of previous language experience). Further, bilinguals were more likely to arrange time vertically when they were tested in Mandarin than when they were tested in English (an effect of immediate linguistic context).     

Asymmetrical Body Perception: A Possible Role for Neural Body Representations

ABSTRACT— Perception of one's body is related not only to the physical appearance of the body, but also to the neural representation of the body. The brain contains many body maps that systematically differ between right- and left-handed people. In general, the cortical representations of the right arm and right hand tend to be of greater area in the left hemisphere than in the right hemisphere for right-handed people, whereas these cortical representations tend to be symmetrical across hemispheres for left-handers. We took advantage of these naturally occurring differences and examined perceived arm length in right- and left-handed people. When looking at each arm and hand individually, right-handed participants perceived their right arms and right hands to be longer than their left arms and left hands, whereas left-handed participants perceived both arms accurately. These experiments reveal a possible relationship between implicit body maps in the brain and conscious perception of the body.     

How the physicality of space affects how we think about time

Time is an abstract concept that may be better understood when mapped onto space. For English speakers, typically a timeline is used that runs horizontally from left (past) to right (future) (Boroditsky, Fuhrman, & McCormick, 2011) and can be separated into regions, past and future. However, it is unclear from prior research how these regions along the timeline are differentiated. In addition, although for English speakers time is typically thought of in terms of a left–right axis, gestures and metaphors that conceptualize the past as behind and the future as ahead are prevalent, implicating the use of a front–back axis. In three experiments, participants made temporal judgments of pictures while holding their hands in various positions around their bodies, to assess whether the body or hands or both are used as anchors to differentiate regions and whether the front–back axis can be used as a timeline. In Experiment 1 we found independent influences of the body and the hands in anchoring the left–right axis. In Experiment 2 we found support for the use of the front–back axis to map time, with independent influences of the body and the hands in anchoring this axis as well. In Experiment 3 we demonstrated that the timeline must be configured in a way that is consistent with underlying conceptualizations of time, by showing that the above–below axis is not used for English speakers. Together, these results indicate that time is mapped onto space, with this mapping being constrained by underlying conceptualizations of time.     

习惯的空间术语对空间认知的影响

采用Levinson开创的旋转观察者的实验范式，考察了习惯的空间术语对非语言空间认知的影响。被试是南方和北方的大学生。结果表明，南方大学生和北方大学生在非语言的空间操作任务上所使用的参考框架存在显著差异，南方大学生更多地使用以观察者为中心的相对参考框架（前、后、左、右），北方大学生更多地使用以太阳升落和地球磁场为参照的绝对参考框架（东、西、南、北）。这种参考框架使用上的差异与他们习惯的空间术语一致。上述结果表明习惯的空间术语对非语言空间认知有重要影响。     

Tactile recognition of mirror images by children: intermanual transfer and rotation of the palm

In order to evaluate the importance of the axis of stimulus presentation, inter- and intramanual recognition of mirror pairs was studied with the stimulus materials aligned along the front/back axis (whereas in previous work the mirror pairs were aligned along the left/right axis). Children were allowed to feel shapes with the whole hand, with only four fingers (excluding the thumb), or with only the index finger. After learning with one hand, recognition was tested in experiment 1 with the other hand; after learning with one orientation of the hand (palm down or up), recognition was tested in experiment 2 with the other orientation (palm up or down) of the same hand; after learning with one coronal alignment of the hand (to the left or right), recognition was tested in experiment 3 with the other alignment (to the right or left), but without rotation, of the same hand. Significantly fewer intermanual recognition errors were made on mirror pairs with the materials oriented along the front/back axis than in previous work when oriented along the left/right axis. This supports the suggestion that such errors arise when the stimuli are oriented along the left/right axis during formation of the memory trace. The same trend was unexpectedly obtained for intramanual recognition errors (after rotation of the hand). These errors (after hand rotation) are largely due to coding with respect to the hand; they are reduced when the hand is not aligned with the body axis, since then coding can also occur in relation to the environment.     

Frames of reference in spatial memories acquired from language

Four experiments examined reference systems in spatial memories acquired from language. Participants read narratives that located 4 objects in canonical (front, back, left, right) or noncanonical (left front, right front, left back, right back) positions around them. Participants' focus of attention was first set on each of the 4 objects, and then they were asked to report the name of the object at the location indicated by a direction word or an iconic arrow. The results indicated that spatial memories were represented in terms of intrinsic (object-to-object) reference systems, which were selected using egocentric cues (e.g., alignment with body axes). Results also indicated that linguistic direction cues were comprehended in terms of egocentric reference systems, whereas iconic arrows were not.     

Facing the sunrise: cultural worldview underlying intrinsic-based encoding of absolute frames of reference in aymara

The Aymara of the Andes use absolute (cardinal) frames of reference for describing the relative position of ordinary objects. However, rather than encoding them in available absolute lexemes, they do it in lexemes that are intrinsic to the body: nayra (“front”) and qhipa (“back”), denoting east and west, respectively. Why? We use different but complementary ethnographic methods to investigate the nature of this encoding: (a) linguistic expressions and speech–gesture co‐production, (b) linguistic patterns in the distinct regional Spanish‐based variety Castellano Andino (CA), (c) metaphorical extensions of CA’s spatial patterns to temporal ones, and (d) layouts of traditional houses. Findings indicate that, following fundamental principles of Aymara cosmology, people, objects, and land—as a whole—are conceived as having an implicit canonical orientation facing east, a primary landmark determined by the sunrise. The above bodily based lexicalizations are thus linguistic manifestations of a broader macro‐cultural worldview and its psycho‐cognitive reality.     

Right-left confusion in the adult: A verbal labeling effect

Directional judgments are typically slower when relative location is described by the words “east” and “west” or “right” and “left” than when described by the words “north” and “south” or “up” and “down.” A series of experiments are reported that disentangle verbal from perceptual encoding explanations for right-left difficulty. Overall, our results support a verbal encoding explanation for right-left confusion in the adult. Experiments 1-3 demonstrate that in a response-differentiation task, it is response to the labels “north,” “east,” “south,” and “west” that is responsible for right-left confusion. In addition, Experiments 4-6 demonstrate that right-left difficulty in a mirror image discrimination task is contingent on the use of directional labels. (The data also suggest that it may be more difficult to deal with “up,” “down,” “left,” and “right” than with “north,” “south,” “east,” and “west”) The data are interpreted as inconsistent with a bilateral symmetry explanation for right-left confusion.     

Pseudoneglect in back space

Successful interaction with the environment depends upon our ability to retain and update visuo-spatial information of both front and back egocentric space. Several studies have observed that healthy people tend to show a displacement of the egocentric frame of reference towards the left. However representation of space behind us (back space) has never been systematically investigated in healthy people. In this study, by means of a novel visual imagery task performed within a virtual reality environment, we found that representation of right back space is perceived as smaller than the left. These results suggest that there is a selective compression or distortion for mental representation related to the right space behind us.     

想象空间中物体搜索的阶段模型的证实

用因素实验证明,在故事阅读产生的想象场景中,位于其中的观察者对身体四周物体的搜索分为两个阶段：第一阶段是目标方位的判断,认知加工时间的模式是前＜后＜左＝右;第二阶段是注意指向目标方位,从而辨别目标物体,认知加工时间的模式是注意点＜注意点对面＜注意点左侧＝注意点右侧。这两个阶段没有交互作用。反应时依赖于被试的视点。     

The visual world behind the head

After a 5-minute inspection of 7 objects laid out on a shelf, subjects were seated with the objects behind them and answered questions about the locations and orientations of objects by throwing a switch left or right. The "visual image" subjects were told to imagine that the objects were still in front of them and to respond accordingly. The "real space" (RS) subjects were told to respond in terms of the positions of the objects in real space behind them. Thus correct responses (left vs. right) were completely opposite for the 2 groups. A control group responded while facing a curtain concealing the objects. The task was harder, by time and error criteria, for group RS than for the other 2 groups, but not dramatically so. All RS subjects denied using a response-reversal strategy. Some reported translating the objects from back to front and thus responding as to a mirror-image of the array. When this evasion was discouraged, RS subjects typically reported responding in terms of visual images located behind them and viewed as if by "eyes in the back of the head." The paradox of a visual image that corresponds to no possible visual input is discussed.     

想象空间中物体搜索的方位效应和注意效应

该工作提出,在故事阅读产生的想象场景中,位于其中的观察者对身体四周物体的搜索应分为两个阶段：第一阶段是目标方位的判断,认知加工时间的模式是前后〈后〈左＝右;第二阶段是注意指出目标方位,从而辩别目标物体,认知加工时间的模式是注意点〈注意对面〈注意点左侧＝注意点右侧。     

Right-left discrimination: effects of handedness and educational background

The present study investigated right left discrimination, with a paper-and-pen test with cartoon figures. The test consisted of line drawings of a person with no, one, or both arms crossing the vertical axis of the body in the figure. The subjects' task was to mark with a pencil, as fast as possible, which was the right or left hand in the figure. The line drawings were viewed from the back, from the front, or randomly alternating between the back and front views. Two studies were conducted. The first consisted of 393 adults: 153 males and 240 females; 338 right-handers and 55 left-handers. The results showed that the males performed better than the females. The left-handers and the right-handers performed equally well. However, the left-handed males performed better than the right-handed males. There was no difference in performance between the right-handed and the left-handed females. The second study consisted of 175 right-handed college students: 63 psychology students. 54 medical students, and 58 law students. The main finding was that the medical students performed better than the psychology students for all figure orientation subtests and for all arm positions. In comparison with the law students, the medical students performed at the same level on the back view subtest, but they performed better on the front view subtest and on two out of three arm positions on the alternating view subtest.     

Effect of Object and Task Properties on Bimanual Transport

The use of both hands simultaneously when manipulating objects is fairly commonplace, but it is not known what factors encourage people to use two hands as opposed to one during simple tasks such as transport. In particular, we are interested in three possible transport strategies: unimanual transport, handing off between hands, and symmetric bimanual transport. In this study, we investigate the effect of object size, weight, and starting and ending position (configuration) as well as the need to balance the object on the use of these three strategies in a bowl-moving task. We find that configuration and balance have a strong effect on choice of strategy, and size and weight have a weaker effect. Hand-offs are most often used when the task requires moving an object from left to right and vice versa, while the unimanual strategy was frequently used when passing front to back. The bimanual strategy is only weakly affected by configuration. The need to balance an object causes subjects to favor unimanual and bimanual strategies over the hand-off. In addition, an analysis of transport duration and body rotation suggests that strategy choice may be driven by the desire to minimize body rotation.     

Frames of reference in spatial language acquisition

Languages differ in how they encode spatial frames of reference. It is unknown how children acquire the particular frame-of-reference terms in their language (e.g., left/right, north/south). The present paper uses a word-learning paradigm to investigate 4-year-old English-speaking children’s acquisition of such terms. In Part I, with five experiments, we contrasted children’s acquisition of novel word pairs meaning left-right and north-south to examine their initial hypotheses and the relative ease of learning the meanings of these terms. Children interpreted ambiguous spatial terms as having environment-based meanings akin to north and south, and they readily learned and generalized north-south meanings. These studies provide the first direct evidence that children invoke geocentric representations in spatial language acquisition. However, the studies leave unanswered how children ultimately acquire “left” and “right.” In Part II, with three more experiments, we investigated why children struggle to master body-based frame-of-reference words. Children successfully learned “left” and “right” when the novel words were systematically introduced on their own bodies and extended these words to novel (intrinsic and relative) uses; however, they had difficulty learning to talk about the left and right sides of a doll. This difficulty was paralleled in identifying the left and right sides of the doll in a non-linguistic memory task. In contrast, children had no difficulties learning to label the front and back sides of a doll. These studies begin to paint a detailed account of the acquisition of spatial terms in English, and provide insights into the origins of diverse spatial reference frames in the world’s languages.     

Eye movements during mental time travel follow a diagonal line

Recent research showed that past events are associated with the back and left side, whereas future events are associated with the front and right side of space. These spatial–temporal associations have an impact on our sensorimotor system: thinking about one’s past and future leads to subtle body sways in the sagittal dimension of space (Miles, Nind, & Macrae, 2010). In this study we investigated whether mental time travel leads to sensorimotor correlates in the horizontal dimension of space. Participants were asked to mentally displace themselves into the past or future while measuring their spontaneous eye movements on a blank screen. Eye gaze was directed more rightward and upward when thinking about the future than when thinking about the past. Our results provide further insight into the spatial nature of temporal thoughts, and show that not only body, but also eye movements follow a (diagonal) “time line” during mental time travel.     

Mirror reversal: Empirical tests of competing accounts

In a mirror, left and right are said to look reversed. Surprisingly, this very familiar phenomenon, mirror reversal, has still no agreed-upon account to date. This study compared a variety of accounts in the light of empirical data. In Experiment 1, 102 students judged whether the mirror image of a person or a character looked reversed or not in 15 settings and also judged the directional relation between its components. In Experiment 2, 52 students made the reversal judgements in 13 settings. It was found for the first time that a substantial proportion of people denied the left–right mirror reversal of a person, whereas virtually all of them did recognize that of a character. This discrepancy strongly suggested that these two kinds of mirror reversal are produced by different processes, respectively. A number of findings including this discrepancy clearly contradicted two accounts that are currently active: the one based on the priority of the up–down and front–back axes over the left–right axis, and the one based on the physical rotation of an object. All the findings were consistent with an account that considered mirror reversal a complex of three different phenomena produced by three different processes, respectively.     

Time Points: A Gestural Study of the Development of Space–Time Mappings

Human languages typically employ a variety of spatial metaphors for time (e.g., “I'm looking forward to the weekend”). The metaphorical grounding of time in space is also evident in gesture. The gestures that are performed when talking about time bolster the view that people sometimes think about regions of time as if they were locations in space. However, almost nothing is known about the development of metaphorical gestures for time, despite keen interest in the origins of space–time metaphors. In this study, we examined the gestures that English‐speaking 6‐to‐7‐year‐olds, 9‐to‐11‐year‐olds, 13‐to‐15‐year‐olds, and adults produced when talking about time. Participants were asked to explain the difference between pairs of temporal adverbs (e.g., “tomorrow” versus “yesterday”) and to use their hands while doing so. There was a gradual increase across age groups in the propensity to produce spatial metaphorical gestures when talking about time. However, even a substantial majority of 6‐to‐7‐year‐old children produced a spatial gesture on at least one occasion. Overall, participants produced fewer gestures in the sagittal (front‐back) axis than in the lateral (left‐right) axis, and this was particularly true for the youngest children and adolescents. Gestures that were incongruent with the prevailing norms of space–time mappings among English speakers (leftward and backward for past; rightward and forward for future) gradually decreased with increasing age. This was true for both the lateral and sagittal axis. This study highlights the importance of metaphoricity in children's understanding of time. It also suggests that, by 6 to 7 years of age, culturally determined representations of time have a strong influence on children's spatial metaphorical gestures.