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1.

In The New York Times, Grant and Sandberg (2015) made the case that women perform more office housework and experience more burnout, yet receive fewer career benefits, from performing office housework than do men. However, this claim has not been formally tested. Based on gender role theory, conservation of resources theory, and shifting standards, we test the relationships between gender, office housework, burnout, and promotion. Results revealed that women performed more office housework overall than did men. More specifically, women engaged in more social maintenance OHW, while men engaged in more object maintenance OHW. Contrary to the popular press claim, results showed no significant relationship between office housework and burnout. Moreover, office housework did not mediate the relationship between gender and burnout. In addition, gender moderated the relationship between office housework and promotion such that the relationship was statistically significant for men, but not statistically significant for women. This study contributes to the literature by introducing office housework as a specific form of organizational citizenship behavior and empirically investigating the popular press claim related to office housework.

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2.
Fieck  Monica  Miron  Anca M.  Branscombe  Nyla R.  Mazurek  Rachel 《Sex roles》2020,83(11-12):657-674
Sex Roles - In 2018, more women than ever have run for and been elected to public office in the United States. Moreover, there has been an increase in women’s collective actions aimed at...  相似文献   

3.
Sharyne Merritt 《Sex roles》1982,8(9):1025-1036
This article explores the relationship between political ambition and sex among local officeholders. Based on interviews with men and women municipal legislators, the study examines subjects' background characteristics and behavior in office in relation to political ambition. A discriminant function analysis identifies two underlying dimensions on which the male and female ambitious and non-ambitious groups cluster. The first function, based on characteristics the person brings to office, distinguishes (a) moderately ambitious groups and retiring women from (b) highly ambitious groups and retiring men. The second function which distinguishes (a) ambitious men from (b) ambitious women and retiring men has to do with behavior in office characteristics. The contrast between ambitious women and ambitious men suggests different ways of viewing benefits of political office which have implications for change in the political system.Support for this research was supplied by the Florence Eagleton Grants Program, 1976–1977, Center for the American and Politics, Eagleton Institute of Politics, Rutgers University.  相似文献   

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Use of sexist language significantly affects the evaluation and perception of candidates for office. Simulated newspaper articles describing a candidate were presented to subjects who rated candidates on evaluation and gender-stereotyping measures. Variables of degree of linguistic sexism, stimulus person sex, gender appropriateness of elective office, and subject sex were manipulated in a 2×2×3×2 factorial design. A significant three-way evaluation interaction indicated that linguistic sexism causes women to be negatively evaluated when seeking a “masculine” or “neutral” office. A significant two-way stereotype interaction suggested that linguistic sexism made more salient the gender appropriateness of the offices — candidates running for the “masculine” offices were perceived as more “masculine,” and candidates for the “feminine” offices as more “feminine.”  相似文献   

6.
Recent studies investigating the role of candidate sex in voter decision-making have not found discrimination against women candidates. Thus, voter bias is often dismissed as part of the explanation for the drastic underrepresentation of women in high elective office. In a dual sample of Wyoming and California college students, bias against women candidates was found to be a factor in the vote choice. Studies that examine only one sample of voters in one region may be prematurely dismissing the possible existence of gender discrimination in some regions or cultures within the United States.  相似文献   

7.
This study develops and begins to test the hypothesis that considerations of romance and sexual attractiveness may impede women’s expression of political ambition (in the sense of either interest in holding public office or willingness to disclose such interest). As this is a very new area of research, and as the subject is difficult to test, this study does not draw firm conclusions, but the initial data results suggest at least some support for the hypothesis. It does seem from these two experiments that politics makes one less popular as a date or mate choice, and that women who hypothetically hold office would be less likely to reveal that fact to a potential sexual or romantic partner. Further research is needed to both develop the measurements for this exciting new area of study and confirm these initial results.  相似文献   

8.
Thomas  Sue 《Sex roles》2002,47(7-8):343-353
This article focuses on the legislative careers of women and men in state legislative office to explore how the relationship between the private and public spheres affects career opportunities, choices, perceptions, and actions. The findings indicate that the intersection of private and public is configured differently in the lives of women and men. Among other results, women were found to perform double duty, holding primary responsibility for the work of home and children even though they have the same public responsibilities as their male counterparts. The implications of these findings for individuals, public policy choices, institutional operations, and social patterns are explored.  相似文献   

9.
In a set of two studies, we tested whether gender-stereotypical associations are automatically activated by Spanish women in a categorization task, and how this process is conditioned by the context in which the target is presented (kitchen vs. office). We hypothesized that gender stereotypes would be activated implicitly when the target (men vs. women) appeared in an office context (associated with male dominant roles), but not when they appeared in a kitchen context (traditionally associated with female roles). The studies were conducted with two samples (N?=?44; N?=?47) of female undergraduate students from the University of Granada (Spain). In both studies, a priming effect was found, indicating that a traditional, role-congruent stereotype pattern (men-competence, women-warmth) emerged when primes appeared in an office context, but not in a kitchen context. Further, negative competence traits were evaluated faster when a male prime was presented in the context of a kitchen (role-incongruent). The purpose of Study 2 was to clarify the implicit nature of this contextual contingency effect by manipulating the controllability of the priming effect (i.e., Stimulus Onset Asynchrony duration-SOA, and restricted response time). The results of Study 1 were replicated in only the short SOA condition, which implies faster and presumably less controlled processing of the stimuli. Theoretical implications for stereotyping and gender role research are discussed.  相似文献   

10.
One explanation for the dearth of women in elected office is that voters stereotype candidates based on their gender. Research in this vein often assumes that female candidates will be stereotyped similarly to women (e.g., as compassionate) and measures stereotypes as such. We question this assumption, proposing instead that female politicians constitute a subtype—a new stereotypical category with its own qualities—of the broader group of women. We compare the content of female politician stereotypes to other relevant comparison groups including politicians, male politicians, and female professionals. Using a classic methodology to determine stereotype content (Katz & Braly, 1933), we find that female politicians do not share the qualities that are ascribed to women (e.g., warm, empathetic). Our results show that female politicians seem to be “losing” on male stereotypical qualities while also not having any advantage on qualities typical of women. The content of female politician stereotypes is nebulous and lacks clarity in comparison to all other groups examined. We discuss implications for the future measurement of politician stereotypes.  相似文献   

11.
Although research into the factors that may affect male achievement of political leadership is relatively robust, very few studies on the making of female presidents and prime ministers exist. This paper examines the literature on birth order, sex of siblings, and parent-daughter dynamics to see whether the findings for male political leaders—that first-born individuals will be overrepresented as compared with later-born siblings—also hold for female ones. Two other hypotheses were tested concerning differences in birth order and sex of siblings between female political leaders and a larger sample of women. A review of the literature on parent-daughter dynamics suggests that this may be another important variable for future research into explanations for the success of women who achieve senior-level positions of power. The findings suggest that first-born women, like first-born men, are overrepresented among political leaders; that first-born women are overrepresented among female political leaders as compared with their numbers in a larger sample population; and that fewer female political leaders have an older brother than would be expected to occur in a larger sample population. The last finding applies only for women who come to power in the period 1960–1989, not those who gained office more recently.  相似文献   

12.
A survey of 218 recent business school graduates confirmed prior studies of differential evaluation of women involved in workplace romances. The research addressed whether women are still perceived as entering into relationships for motives different from men, particularly in terms of exploiting sexuality for gain. Few instances were found where relationships were formed for personal advancement; however, motivations for personal gain were far more commonly attributed to women. Women were also more likely to be perceived as victims of the office fling. Attributions did not differ between male and female observers. Implications for working women are discussed.  相似文献   

13.
The Koman Contact With Medical Health Care Professionals Inventory is described. It was devised to measure total contact including office visits and telephone calls with medical health care professionals as one component of self-report health-related questions. Use of this inventory indicated that women utilize medical health care professionals more than men.  相似文献   

14.
That males have higher suicide rates than females is one of the most empirically documented social facts in suicidology, but the reasons for this continue to be debated. For the present paper, we tested a neglected contributing factor to the gender suicide ratio: wound site or the area of the body that is wounded in firearm suicides. Males may have a higher suicide rate, in part, due to their greater likelihood than women for shooting themselves in the head as opposed to the body. This has been related to gender differences in fear of facial disfigurement and suicide intent. Data from the Wayne County Medical examiner's office regarding 807 suicides committed with firearms was analyzed. The dependent variable was dichotomous and referred to the location of the site of the wound: gunshot to the head vs. gunshot to the body. Controls for demographic covariates of suicide included age and race of the suicide victim. The results of the multivariate logistic regression analysis determined that women were 47% less apt than men to shoot themselves in the head. Further analysis determined that women were less apt than men to use shotguns and rifles in their suicides (weapons that make head shooting more awkward). The findings are consistent with the notion that women are more concerned than men with facial disfigurement, and that women have a lower desire to die than men.  相似文献   

15.
This field experiment examined the persuasiveness of matching health messages to individuals’ health locus of control beliefs in an effort to promote screening mammography. Women (N = 499) who called the New England regional office of the Cancer Information Service were stratified by their health locus of control and randomly assigned to receive a telephone message and follow-up print materials matched to either an internal or external health locus of control orientation. As expected, women who received information consistent with their health locus of control beliefs generally were more likely to obtain a mammogram 6 and 12 months after the intervention than women who received information that was not consistent with their health locus of control orientation.  相似文献   

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17.
Theorists of politics of presence postulate that women elected to political office would still hold values similar to ordinary women and therefore represent them better than male politicians. Gender differences in personal values, which underline and give coherence to core political values, have been found among voters: males score higher on self‐enhancement values (power and achievement) and females higher on self‐transcendence values (universalism and benevolence). Our study aims to explore if gender differences in personal values are still present among activists, local and national politicians. We administer a shortened version of the Portrait Values Questionnaire to 233 Italian national politicians (46% females), 425 local politicians (56% females), 626 political activists (44% females), and 3249 ordinary citizens (49% females). Our results confirm only partially politics of presence theory: females at all levels of political involvement score higher in self‐transcendent values that emphasise concern for the welfare of others, but no significant gender differences emerge for self‐enhancement, which favour the pursuit of self‐interest. Our findings support ethical struggles for more balanced gender representation: a higher proportion of women in politics could strengthen the political representation of self‐transcendence values.  相似文献   

18.
Patient satisfaction can increase compliance and health outcomes in many populations. Menopausal-age women present unique physical and psychosocial concerns that separate them from other populations in their health care needs and preferences. We surveyed 48 women (ages 45–60) regarding their satisfaction with a recent annual exam office visit in a family practice clinic. Women reported the number of quality of life issues they discussed during this visit and which of these they considered most important, as well as menopausal symptoms and perceived health competence. Regression analyses identified variables most related to patient satisfaction. Of three components of visit satisfaction (Quality, Humaneness, and General Satisfaction), Quality was predicted by quality of life issues discussed. Physical, psychological, and functional domains were considered most important to the patients, whereas physical, psychological, and social domains were most often actually discussed in the visit.  相似文献   

19.
Sex differences in the endorsement of influence tactics and political behavior tendencies were surveyed among 337 employees (176 males and 161 females). The sample was composed of managers, business owners, and professional, technical, sales, and office support workers from a variety of organizations. No significant differences were found between males and females with respect to scores on the Political Orientation Questionnaire, preference for teamwork, exchange of favors, and upward appeal. However, women were significantly less likely than men to perceive themselves as relying on charm, manipulative tactics, and personal appearance to achieve results and gain advantage. None of the sex differences could be attributed to years of job experience.  相似文献   

20.
For counseling settings, research suggests that softness, personalization, and order might affect the experience and the perceived expertness, trustworthiness, and social attractiveness of the therapist. This article discusses exploratory studies on college students' perception of the counseling office environment and whether the likely client experience was associated with the softness/personalization and order of the office. As stimuli, the studies used 30 color photographs of psychotherapists' offices viewed from the client's perspective. After obtaining ratings of the characteristics of each office, we obtained ratings from different groups of students of the quality of care and comfort expected in each office (Study 1) and how qualified, bold, and friendly the therapist in the office would be (Study 2). Additional studies examined the likelihood of choosing a therapist based on the office, and the first thought or feeling that came to mind about the office, the therapist, and the patient experience. There were strong correlations in response between groups (by whether they had experienced therapy; their level in school; their gender; and their major, location, and school size). The quality of care, comfort, therapist boldness, qualifications of the therapist, and the likelihood that one would choose a therapist based on the office improved with increases in the office's softness/personalization and order. Friendliness improved with increases in softness/personalization. The office choices, open-ended responses, and reported reasons for the ratings confirmed the importance of softness (comfort) and order. Research should test longer term exposure and behavior.  相似文献   

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