Auditory and linguistic processing of cues for place of articulation by infants

Two- and 3-month-old infants were found to discriminate the acoustic cues for the phonetic feature of place of articulation in a categorical manner; that is, evidence for the discriminability of two synthetic speech patterns was present only when the stimuli signaled a change in the phonetic feature of place. No evidence of discriminability was found when two stimuli, separated by the same acoustic difference, signaled acoustic variations of the same phonetic feature. Discrimination of the same acoustic cues in a nonspeech context was found, in contrast, to be noncategorical or continuous. The results were discussed in terms of infants’ ability to process acoustic events in either an auditory or a linguistic mode.     

Functional equivalence of masking and cue reduction in perception of shape at a slant

The present study was undertaken to investigate the effects of syllabic stress and segment structure on selective adaptation in speech. To this end, a CV place of articulation test continuum was selectively adapted by seven different adapting stimuli; the monosyllables [ba] and [ga], two disyllabic stimuli containing equal stress on both syllables, [baga] and [gabal, and three disyllabic stimuli ([baga]) in which stress placement varied and was cued by the acoustic parameters of fundamental frequency and duration. Results for the two adapting stimuli demonstrated significant [b] adaptation for the stimulus [ba] and significant [g] adaptation for [gal. Of the five other adapting stimuli, only [g] adaptation for the stimulus [bagá] was found to be significant. These findings indicate that the operation of detector mechanisms susceptible to fatigue by an adapting stimulus are even more constrained than has heretofore been suggested. It appears that the adapting and test stimuli must not only have the same phonetic and syllable structure, but also the same syllabic organization.     

Auditory evoked potential correlates of speech sound discrimination

An electrophysiological correlate of the discrimination of stop consonants drawn from within and across phonetic categories was investigated by an auditory evoked response (AER) technique. Ss were presented a string of stimuli from the phonetic category [ba] (the standard stimulus) and were asked to detect the occurrence of a stimulus from the same phonetic category (within-category shift), or the occurrence of a stimulus from a different phonetic category [pa] (across-category shift). Both the across- and within-category shift stimuli differed equally from the standard stimulus in the time of onset of the first formant and in the amount of aspiration in the second and third formants. The NIP2 response of the AER was larger to the across-category shift than to the within-category shift. The within-category shift did not differ from a no-shift control. These findings suggest (1) that the AER can reflect the relative discriminability of stop consonants drawn from the same or different phonetic categories in a manner similar to other behavioral measures; (2) that the detailed acoustic representation of stop consonants is transformed into a categorized phonetic representation within 200 msec after stimulus onset.     

The effect of selective adaptation on the identification of speech sounds

An experiment was performed to determine the effect of selective adaptation on the identification of synthetic speech sounds which varied along the phonetic dimensionplace of articulation. Adaptation with a stimulus of a particular place value led to a reduction in the number of test stimuli identified as having that place value. An identification shift was obtained even when the acoustic information specifying place value for the adapting stimulus had virtually nothing in common with the information specifying place value for any of the test stimuli. Removing the vowel portion of an adapting stimulus eliminated identification shift only when the resulting stimulus was no longer perceived as speech-like. The results indicate that at least part of the adaptation effect occurs at a site of phonetic, not merely acoustic, feature analysis.

     

Adaptation of speech by nonspeech: evidence for complex acoustic cue detectors

Three selective adaptation experiments were run, using nonspeech stimuli (music and noise) to adapt speech continua ([ba]-[wa] and [cha]-[sha]). The adaptors caused significant phoneme boundary shifts on the speech continua only when they matched in periodicity: Music stimuli adapted [ba]-[wa], whereas noise stimuli adapted [cha]-[sha]. However, such effects occurred even when the adaptors and test continua did not match in other simple acoustic cues (rise time or consonant duration). Spectral overlap of adaptors and test items was also found to be unnecessary for adaptation. The data support the existence of auditory processors sensitive to complex acoustic cues, as well as units that respond to more abstract properties. The latter are probably at a level previously thought to be phonetic. Asymmetrical adaptation was observed, arguing against an opponent-process arrangement of these units. A two-level acoustic model of the speech perception process is offered to account for the data.     

Auditory property detectors and processing place features in stop consonants

The effects of selective adaptation on the perception of consonant-vowel (CV) stimuli varying in place of production was studied under two conditions. In the first condition, repeated presentation of a CV syllable produced an adaptation effect resulting in a shift in the locus of the phonetic boundary between [ba] and [da]. This result replicated previously reported findings. However, in the second condition, an adaptation effect was obtained on this same test series when the critical acoustic information (i.e., formant transitions) was present in final position of a VC speech-like syllable. These latter results support an auditory account of selective adaptation based on the spectral similarity of the adapting stimuli and test series rather than a more abstract linguistic account based on phonetic identity.     

Reaction times to comparisons within and across phonetic categories

Same-different reaction times (RTs) were obtained to pairs of synthetic speech sounds ranging perceptually from /ba/ through /pa/. Listeners responded “same” if both stimuli in a pair were the same phonetic segments (i.e., /ba/-/ba/ or /pa/-/pa/) or “different” if both stimuli were different phonetic segments (i.e., /ba/-/pa/ or /pa/-/ba/). RT for “same” responses was faster to pairs of acoustically identical stimuli (A-A) than to pairs of acoustically different stimuli (A-a) belonging to the same phonetic category. RT for “different” responses was faster for large acoustic differences across a phonetic boundary than for smaller acoustic differences across a phonetic boundary. The results suggest that acoustic information for stop consonants is available to listeners, although the retrieval of this information in discrimination will depend on the level of processing accessed by the particular information processing task.     

Comparison of consonantal and vocalic cues in selective adaptation

The acoustic cues to the phonetic identity of diphthongs normally include both spectral quality and dynamic change. This fact was exploited in a series of selective adaptation experiments examining the possibility of mutual adaptive effects between these two types of acoustic cues. One continuum of syllables varying from [εi] to [εd] and another varying from [ε] to [εi] were synthesized; endpoint stimuli of both series used as adaptors caused identification boundaries to be shifted. Cross-series adaptation was also attempted on the [ε?εi] stimuli, using [?], [∞], and [ai]. Only [ai] proved effective as an adaptor, suggesting the mediation of a rather abstract auditory level of similarity. The results argue strongly against interpretations in terms of feature detectors, but appear compatible with an “auditory contrast” explanation, which might in turn be incorporated within adaptation level theory in the form recently discussed by Restle (1978). The cross-series results further suggest that selective adaptation might be used to quantify the perceptual distance between auditory cues in speech.     

Evidence for phonetic processing of cues to place of articulation: Perceived manner affects perceived place

Using stimuli that could be labeled either as stops [b,d] or as fricatives [f,v,θ,ð], we found that, for a given acoustic stimulus, perceived place of articulation was dependent on perceived manner. This effect appeared for modified natural syllables with a free-identification task and for a synthetic transition continuum with a forced-choice identification task. Since perceived place could be changed by changing manner labels with no change in the acoustic stimulus, it follows that the processing of the place feature depends on the value the listener assigns to the manner feature rather than directly on any of the acoustic cues to manner. We interpret these results as evidence that the identification of place of articulation involves phonetic processing and could not be purely auditor     

Auditory and phonetic processes in place perception for stops

Use of the selective adaptation procedure with speech stimuli has led to a number of theoretical positions with regard to the level or levels of processing affected by adaptation. Recent experiments (i.e., Sawusch & Jusczyk, 1981) have, however, yielded strong evidence that only auditory coding processes are affected by selective adaptation. In the present experiment, a test series that varied along the phonetic dimension of place of articulation for stops ([da]-[ga]) was used in conjunction with a [ska] syllable that shared the phonetic value of velar with the [ga] end of the test series but had a spectral structure that closely matched a stimulus from the [da] end of the series. As an adaptor, the [ska] and Ida] stimuli produced identical effects, whereas in a paired-comparison procedure, the [ska] produced effects consistent with its phonetic label. These results offer further support for the contention that selective adaptation affects only the auditory coding of speech, whereas the paired-comparison procedure affects only the phonetic coding of speech. On the basis of these results and previous place-adaptation results, a process model of speech perception is described.     

Some differences between phonetic and auditory modes of perception

When third-formant transitions are appropriately incorporated into an acoustic syllable, they provide critical support for the phonetic percepts we call [d] and [g], but when presented in isolation they are perceived as time-varying ‘chirps’. In the present experiment, both modes of perception were made available simultaneously by presenting the third-format transitions to one ear and the remainder of the acoustic syllable to the other. On the speech side of this duplex percept, where the transitions supported the perception of stop-vowel syllables, perception was categorical and influenced by the presence of a preposed [al] or [ar]. On the nonspeech side, where the same transitions were heard as ‘chirps’, perception was continuous and free of influence from the preposed syllables. As both differences occurred under conditions in which the acoustic input was constant, we should suppose that they reflect the different properties of auditory and phonetic modes of perception.     

Feature analyzers for the phonetic dimensionstop vs. continuant

Perception of sounds along the phonetic dimensionstop vs. continuant was studied by means of a selective adaptation procedure. Subjects first identified a series of synthetic consonant-vowel syllables whose formant transitions varied in duration, slope, and amplitude characteristics. They were perceived as either [ba] or [wa]. After the initial identification test, an adapting stimulus was presented repeatedly, and then the subjects again identified the original test series. Adapting with a stop (either [ba] or [da]) led to a decrease in the number of test stimuli identified as [ba], whereas adapting with the continuant sound [wa] led to an increase in the number of [ba] identification responses. Removing the vowel portion of an adapting stimulus greatly reduced the identification shift only when the resulting stimulus was no longer perceived as speech-like. A reduction in the number of [ba] identifications occurred even when a nonspeech “stop” (the sound of a plucked string) was used as the adapting stimulus, suggesting that phonetic processing is not a necessary condition for an adaptation effect.     

Voice onset time perception in Japanese aphasic patients

This study examines identification of the synthetic speech stimuli [ga] and [ka] of varying voice onset times (VOTs) in 17 Japanese aphasic subjects. Approximately two-thirds of the aphasic subjects showed deterioration in performance of VOT identification of the stimuli. A quantitative analysis of the results indicates that the problems of the majority of these subjects may be attributable not only to difficulty in labeling the stimuli but also to difficulty in processing the acoustic and/or phonetic information of the stimuli.     

Selective adaptation of vowels

Two experiments investigating the selective adaptation of vowels examined changes in listeners’ identification functions for the vowel continuum [i-I-∈] as a function of the adapting stimulus. In Experiment I, the adapting stimuli were [i], [I], and [∈]. Both the [i] and [∈] stimuli produced significant shifts in the neighboringand distant phonetic boundaries, whereas [I] did not result in any adaptation effects. In order to explore the phonetic nature of feature adaptation in vowels, a second experiment was conducted using the adapting stimuli [gig] and [g ∈ g], which differed acoustically from the [i] and [∈] vowels on the identification continuum. Only [gig] yielded reliable adaptation effects. The results of these experiments were interpreted as suggesting arelative rather than a stableauditory mode of feature analysis in vowels and a possibly more complex auditory feature analysis for the vowel [i].     

Ear differences in the recall of fricatives and vowels

Two experiments on the free recall of dichotically presented synthetic speech sounds are reported. The first shows that the right ear advantage for initial fricative consonants is not simply a function of the recognition response class, but that it is also a function of the particular acoustic cues used to achieve that response. This is true both for the whole response, and for the constituent phonetic features. The second experiment shows that when both the response class and the particular stimuli presented on certain trials are held constant, the right ear advantage for the constant stimuli can be influenced by the range of other stimuli occurring in the experiment. Vowels show a right ear advantage when, within the experiment, there is uncertainty as to vocal tract size, but they show no ear advantage when all the vowels in the experiment are from the same vocal tract. These results are interpreted as demonstrating that there are differences between the ears, and probably between the hemispheres, at some stage between the acoustic analysis of the signal and its identification as a phonetic category.     

Effect of speaking rate on the perceptual structure of a phonetic category

When listeners process temporal properties of speech that convey information about the phonetic segments of the language, they do so in a rate-dependent manner. This is seen as a shift in the location of the phonetic category boundary along a temporal continuum toward longer values of the acoustic property in question, as speech is slowed. In a series of experiments, we found that the adjustment for rate is not confined to the region of the category boundary, but extends throughout the phonetic category. Specifically, a change in rate modified the range of stimuli identified as members of a phonetic category, as well as which stimuli were overtly judged to be good exemplars of the category. These findings suggest that the listener's adjustment for speaking rate entails a comprehensive perceptual remapping between acoustic signal and phonetic structure.     

The role of second formant transitions in the stop-semivowel distinction

An experiment was conducted which assessed the relative contributions of three acoustic cues to the distinction between stop consonant and semivowel in syllable initial position. Subjects identified three series of syllables which varied perceptually from [ba] to [wa]. The stimuli differed only in the extent, duration, and rate of the second formant transition. In each series, one of the variables remained constant while the other two changed. Obtained identification ratings were plotted as a function of each variable. The results indicated that second formant transition duration and extent contribute significantly to perception. Short second formant transition extents and durations signal stops, while long second formant transition extents and durations signal semivowels. It was found that second formant transition rate did not contribute significantly to this distinction. Any particular rate could signal either a stop or semivowel. These results are interpreted as arguing against models that incorporate transition rate as a cue to phonetic distinctions. In addition, these results are related to a previous selective adaptation experiment. It is shown that the “phonetic” interpretation of the obtained adaptation results was not justified.     

Effects of intensity on the categorical perception of stop consonants and isolated second formant transitions

Identification and discrimination of two-formant [bae-dae-gae] and [pae-tae-kae] synthetic speech stimuli and discrimination of corresponding isolated second formant transitions (chirps) were performed by six subjects. Stimuli were presented at several intensity levels such that the intensity of the F2 transition was equated between speech and nonspeech stimuli, or the overall intensity of the stimulus was equated. At higher intensity (92 dB), b-d-g and p-t-k identification and between-category discrimination performance declined and bilabial-alveolar phonetic boundaries shifted in location on the continuum towards the F2 steady-state frequency. Between-category discrimination improved from performance at 92 dB when 92-dB speech stimuli were simultaneously masked by 60-dB speech noise; alveolar-velar boundaries shifted to a higher frequency location in the 92-dB-plus-noise condition. Chirps were discriminated categorically when presented at 58 dB, but discrimination peaks declined at higher intensities. Perceptual performance for chirps and p-t-k stimuli was very similar, and slightly inferior to performance for b-d-g stimuli, where simultaneous masking by F1 resulted in a lower effective intensity of F2. The results were related to a suggested model involving pitch comparison and transitional quality perceptual strategies.     

Effect of lexical status on phonetic categorization

To investigate the interaction in speech perception between lexical knowledge (in particular, whether a stimulus token makes a word or nonword) and phonetic categorization, sets of [bVC]-[dVC] place-of-articulation continua were constructed so that the endpoint tokens represented word-word, word-nonword, nonword-word, and nonword-nonword combinations. Experiment 1 demonstrated that ambiguous tokens were perceived in favor of the word token and supported the contention that lexical knowledge can affect the process of phonetic categorization. Experiment 2 utilized a reaction time procedure with the same stimuli and demonstrated that the effect of lexical status on phonetic categorization increased with response latency, suggesting that the lexical effect represents a perceptual process that is separate from and follows phonetic categorization. Experiment 3 utilized a different set of [b-d] continua to separate the effects of final consonant contrast and lexical status that were confounded in Experiments 1 and 2. Results demonstrated that both lexical status and contextual contrast separately affected the identification of the initial stop. Data from these three experiments support a perceptual model wherein phonetic categorization can operate separately from higher levels of analysis.     

Inferior Frontal Regions Underlie the Perception of Phonetic Category Invariance

ABSTRACT— The problem of mapping differing sensory stimuli onto a common category is fundamental to human cognition. Listeners perceive stable phonetic categories despite many sources of acoustic variability. What are the neural mechanisms that underlie this perceptual stability? In this functional magnetic resonance imaging study, a short-interval habituation paradigm was used to investigate neural sensitivity to acoustic changes within and between phonetic categories. A region in the left inferior frontal sulcus showed a pattern of activation consistent with phonetic invariance: insensitivity to acoustic changes within a phonetic category and sensitivity to changes between phonetic categories. Left superior temporal regions, in contrast, showed graded sensitivity to both within- and between-category changes. These results suggest that perceptual insensitivity to changes within a phonetic category may arise from decision-related mechanisms in the left prefrontal cortex and add to a growing body of literature suggesting that the inferior prefrontal cortex plays a domain-general role in computing category representations.