湖北省农村集中供养五保老人生活质量研究

为了解湖北省农村福利院集中供养五保老人生活质量及其相关影响因素,利用中文SF-36量表对900例湖北省农村60岁及以上的集中供养五保老人、分散中供养五保老人和普通老年人选行调查。经多因素分析结果显示,五保老人的生活质量不仅要注意疾病、体力劳动、担心的问题等方面,更要注重不同供养环境对其产生的影响。     

道德权利与中国农村养老保障问题研究

中国养老保障的道德权利思考是针对老龄群体的伦理性探讨。本文在对农村养老保障的含义界定的基础上分析当下中国农村养老保障问题的道德权利现状。指出主要存在着农村老人享受权利与机会的非均等化与养老保障机制存在着显著的区别两个突出的问题。最后,本论文从确立农村养老保险的核心道德理念以及凸显以人为本的孝道原则建设两个方面探讨中国农村养老保障问题的道德解决路径。其中后者又从建立健全和社会主义荣辱观对应的道德调控与建立和社会主义法制相匹配的道德权利的评估两点展开深入分析。     

加强农村中学音乐教育的几点设想——以苏北农村中学音乐教育为例

建设"社会主义新农村"的人才应是德、智、体、美全面发展的人才,而作为美育重要组成部分的音乐教育必然是每个人全面发展中不可缺少的因素之一,因此,音乐教育应该在整个教育体系中发挥着自己应有的作用.以苏北农村中学的情况为例,要加强农村中学音乐教育需要做到:保证教师层面的两个"质",抓好教学层面的两个"本",做到管理层面的两个"保障".     

论经学与汉代"受命"论的诠释

汉武帝"独尊儒术"后,在政治理论上的一个最突出的变化,就是经学"受命"论的确立.根据董仲舒等人的诠释,汉代"受命"论的内容主要有两个方面:一是"受命"而王所应具有的种种标志和象征,如黄龙、麒麟、凤凰、甘露、朱草、灵芝等,这就是所谓"祥瑞"或"符瑞";二是当"受命"之君出现某些过失时,"上天"所采取的种种"警诫"和"谴告",如天变、灾害等,亦即所谓"灾异".汉代"受命"理论的确立,不仅圆满解决了汉王朝如何继统的法理性问题,而且标志着经学所推崇的"汤武革命"学说已为人们所认同,但同时它也是一把让汉王朝感到惴惴不安的双刃剑.     

青少年性教育的"三理"诠释

人类的性是生理、心理及伦理系统的存在整体."三理"教育的实质是生理、心理及伦理的整合创新模式.从"三理"的视角理解,青少年性教育是依据青少年身心发展规律,帮助青少年打破性无知、和谐性心理、内化性道德、培养性责任.其中以性生理教育为基础,性心理教育为重点,性道德教育为核心,做到"三理结合、三理同步".在家庭、学校及社会的共同努力下,使青少年性教育纳入义务教育之中,帮助青少年健康"性"成长.     

人生价值视阈中的荣辱感

作为道德情感的荣辱感能促使个体知"道"、欲"善"、致"诚".荣辱感能促进主体对以善为核心内容的社会伦理精神的把握,并将其提升为良知.荣辱感还是推动人们求荣行善的内在动力和心理基础,且将这种善欲升华为实践中守仁行义的美德操守.     

应当如何正确对待"马克思学"这个术语?

国内学界目前出现的为"马克思学"正名的运动既存在"是"也存在"非".问题的关键不在于是否要进行术语考辨,而在于是否以正确的方式开展这种考辨.从学术史上看,"马克思学"术语具有明确的意识形态内涵,不能无条件地套用.在国内学界,它已经得到某种程度的正名.     

人性"可见"吗?——《东坡易传》对传统人性理论的批评

<东坡易传>中认为,人性是抽象的、"不可见"的,孟子之后以善恶来解说人性的传统,所讨论的都仅仅是"性之似",而非人性本身.这一将"性"与"道"置于同一高度的人性理论,打着深深的老庄哲学的印记.苏氏的人性理论尽管受到朱熹等理学家的严厉批驳,但对于我们理解人性这一复杂的问题,仍具有积极的启发意义.     

"事"的本体论意义--兼论泰州学的哲学涵蕴

在中国哲学发展史上,以"道"、"理"、"气"、"心"为本原或本体的,随处可见,亦多为人们所看重与论究,而以"情"、以"事"为本体的,却少有人关切并予检讨.本文认为,泰州学为"情"本论.需要说明的是,"情"的本体论与"事"的本体论是相通的,就像"事"与"情"之连通而成"事情"一样,"情"的本体论又可释为"事"的本体论.如果要作区别的话,那么大体上可以说,情与理的关系,主要涉及人的精神心理结构与取向问题,"情"本论所要确认的,是情感之于理性更具本真性与至上性;事与理的关系,则涉及到存在界的结构和主体与客体之间的多重结构关系,"事"本论所要申明的,是事之于理更具本然性与先在性.     

"三阶梯"止痛原则临床实践20年

WHO癌痛"三阶梯"止痛原则发布20年来,经过医患双方上亿人次的临床实践,取得了巨大成功.人类对癌性疼痛乃至良性疼痛的认识,从来没有如此深刻;有关止痛的实践也从来没有如此广泛.作者回顾了"三阶梯"原则的产生背景和历史功绩,指出了"三阶梯"原则在实践中丰富和发展的必要性.作者建议,今后我国癌症止痛应"临床勇于实践,用药讲究技巧,工作重点下移".     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.