《论语》“色斯举”章辨析

《论语.乡党》篇“色斯举”章,传统标点为:色斯举矣,翔而后集,曰:“山梁雌雉,时哉!时哉!”子路共之,三嗅而作。此章历来被认为难解甚至无解,时至今日,不少学者仍在努力探求,出现了一些新的解释。发表在《中国哲学史》2005年第4期黄红宇先生《〈论语〉“色斯举”章释读》一文,认为这是一段以雉为表现内容的歌舞片断,是孔子与子路二人自娱自乐场景的记录,反映了人们师法自然的生活方式。具体释读为:“(孔子)把脸仰起来了,做飞翔和从空中降落的舞蹈动作,唱道:‘山梁上的雌雉,时令到了(交尾期到了)!时令到了(交尾期到了)!’子路共同舞蹈,反复做…     

论儒家的"忠恕"与基督教的"宽恕"

真正、本源意义的恕是一种创生力量,这一创生力量使被恕者从过与罪的萎颓中毅然决然地抽身而返,返至一种中正、至善、洁静的创化中.无论儒家"恕",还是基督教的"恕"都具有这一力量.二种文化恕的方式与路经不同,但殊途同归,儒家与基督教的恕皆能使被恕者劈碎自己生命中的嚣浮不实、剔除内心非诚、非仁、非智的虚伪蔽障,从而过一种真切笃实、修德进业的生活.     

"视觉文化"与当代生活方式的变迁

20世纪中后期发展起来的后现代文化基本上是一种视觉文化。这改变了当代人的生活方式。     

洪州禅的"作用见性"论

洪州禅的禅师们在秉承慧能性净自悟思想的同时,又融合中国传统思想,使其修行方式更加贴近生活,甚至融禅修于生活,佛教中国化至此最终完成.在洪州禅各种禅修理念之中,"作用见性"思想颇有特色,它是洪州禅的禅师们试图打通净心与妄心隔阂,消弭二者紧张的一种有益尝试,由于对其理解与诠释歧异,洪州禅的这一思想在教内外引起很大的争议.     

"活得好"与"做得好":亚里士多德幸福概念的两重含义

在这篇文章中,我将证明,亚里士多德伦理学里的eudaimonia概念是"在两种意义上说的",而非只具有一种意思.它既是"活得好"也是"做得好".这一区分构成了亚氏伦理学主要论证的基础.它是一条贯穿许多主要论争的单一线索.对于这两种用法的区分将能够提供对这些争辩的一种统一性的解决.尤为重要的是,它将使我们得以用一种不十分费劲的方式去阅读那荆棘丛生的<尼各马可伦理学>第十卷的第六到第八章.幸福是"活得好"还是"做得好"这一问题是一个比涵盖论-理智论的论争更为基本的问题.在很大程度上,涵盖论-理智论的论争之所以会发生,正是由于争论双方都没能在作为"活得好"的幸福与作为"做得好"的幸福之间进行区分.他们共同地设定幸福的意思在于"活得好",然后开始争论它到底是各种善的复合、还是专注于思辨.本文将首先表明对于活动的讨论在亚里士多德幸福论之中有着何种位置;然后,我将论述"做得好"和"活得好",并将讨论下面一些争论主题:(a)幸福的两种标准;(b)思辨生活的非实用性;(c)首要幸福与第二等级幸福这一层级的性质,以及(d)道德与思辨的关系.     

儒家"内在超越"对当代中国人的意义

儒家以其特有的超越理念昭示了中华民族的精神特质.儒家的"内在超越"有两个基本要素与市场经济的精神生活方式的转变相适应:一是"在世超越",二是责任意识.儒家的超越观是传统社会向现代社会转型的重要思想资源.     

浅谈服装结构设计的"无结构形式"

在这日新月异和变化无常的服装设计中,随着人们生活方式的改变和审美观念的更新,出现了一个崭新的设计领域--"无结构形式".它以抽象几何形的基本结构和简易的缝制方法独树一帜.由于它顺应世界各地人们倾心追求自然,"回到大自然中去"的思想潮流,目前在各国服装设计,生产部门和高等院校的服装教学中,"无结构形式"备受重视.     

儒学当代复兴的思想视域问题——"儒学三期"新论

儒家没有新的,然而儒学是常新的.儒家的复兴在于儒学的重建.儒学的当代重建必须在当代的"生活-存在"的思想视域中进行,才能顺应当代的生活、而避免原教旨主义.这就需要对儒学史进行一种新的认识,为此,本文提出一种新的"儒学三期"说.     

儿童美术教育中"自然竞争"启发策略的研究

绘画是儿童表达自己思想感情的一种方式.儿童的艺术表现是极端个人化的没有任何两个儿童的艺术表现是完全相同的.儿童美术教育有两种功效:一是让孩子表达自我,二是作为调整自我的工具.在美术教育中,我们鼓励孩子自由地表现大胆地创造.美术活动可以和谐地统整儿童的思想、情感、感受力(视觉触觉等),使儿童和谐地成长造就身心健全的人儿童美术活动的过程比完成品(作品)更重要.我们所说的自然竞争就是在这一过程中通过比较、研究、启发、激励等策略,激发儿童表现自我、感受生活,认识世界、主动思考、积极上进的内驱力,使儿童做得越来越好,各方面越来越统整、和谐,达到一个健康成长的状态.     

"国家安全观"视阈下的社会公德建设

社会公德建设作为一种彰显社会文明程度的实践活动,在近现代中国历经了"民族救亡""公共生活""国家安全"三大主题性的历史变迁.在新冠肺炎疫情暴发的公共危机中,防控战役使全体国人不仅经历了一场从生产生活方式到伦理道德观念全过程、全方位的现实拷问和洗礼,也生动展示了统筹发展和安全视阈下重塑中国社会公德建设的历史使命和战略机遇.疫情防控常态化时期社会公德建设的最大障碍来自生命、生态、生活意识的焦虑和无奈.建构以"生命安全、生态安全和生活安全"为内核,以"党建引领—人民至上—科技赋能"为机制的社会公德建设体系,是充分展现中国应对重大突发性公共危机事件的抗疫精神,建设更高质量、更具韧性的平安中国的重大时代课题.     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

"石狮"、"风水"与"吉祥"

谁都知道,在古老的中国,不管是衙门、宫殿、庙宇的门前,还是豪宅、大户人家的门口,人们都能看到摆着一对石狮。据说,这对石狮子在许多中国人的心目中,它不但是一种气派的象征,而且还是一种被人认为是好的“吉祥物”。如今,旧时的衙门没有了,但遗留下来的宫殿、庙宇的门前,其中有些石狮仍有保存。然而,想像不到的是,这号称“吉祥物”的石狮今天却开始“走”进某些党政机关的大门口,它们(石狮)在那里时时都在保护着这些政府要员“平平安安”、“吉祥如意”。这不仅使我联想起一些极端的报道,有些政府官员为升迁,请算命先生定位,用风水术为政府…     

从"管制"到"平衡"--政府与公众理想关系模式的构建及其制度化

论文从行政民主的角度探讨政府与公众之间的理想关系模式及其制度化构建过程 ,将我国在改革之前的政府与公众模式概括为管制模式。论文指出 ,在制度变迁的过程中 ,这一模式日益受到挑战。而在新的制度环境下 ,我国政府与公众的关系模式应该是平衡模式。这一模式的制度化措施包括培育自主的市民社会 ,赋予公众以独立的活动空间 ;促进行政公开 ,建立一个开放负责的政府 ;推进行政法建设 ,抑制行政恣意     

PREFERRING "HOUSEWIVES" TO "FEMINISTS"

Four studies are described outlining the favorability of attitudes toward women. In Study 1, participants indicated their attitudes toward women and men and their construal of the term "women". The results revealed that women were evaluated more favorably than men, but that male right-wing authoritarians (RWAs) who construed women as referring primarily to feminists were least favorable in their attitudes. In Study 2, participants indicated their attitudes toward both "housewives" and "feminists". The results revealed that feminists were evaluated less favorably than housewives, and that the most negative attitudes toward feminists were expressed by authoritarian men. Study 3 revealed that high-RWA males held more negative symbolic beliefs concerning feminists (i.e., beliefs that feminists failed to promote participants'values) and that these beliefs accounted for variation in attitudes among high RWAs and much of the RWA-attitude relation. Finally, Study 4 revealed that high RWAs perceived greater value dissimilarity between them-selves and feminists. The implications of the findings for future research are discussed.     

"Us" and "Them":

Abstract: In the Aristotelian tradition, politics is a matter of public deliberation over questions of justice and injustice. The Bush administration's response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, has been uniformly hostile to this notion, and it has instead promoted a jingoistic politics of self‐assertion by an America largely identified with the executive branch of its government. This is doubly disturbing, as the executive branch has sought to free itself from international law, multinational commitments, and domestic judicial regulation, even as it has sought to validate itself by demonizing its enemies. This essay draws out the disturbing echoes here of Carl Schmitt's work of the 1920s, in particular of Schmitt's conception of the sovereign as the ungrounded ground of the law and the political as the site of mortal conflict between friend and enemy. The essay argues that Schmitt's position in the twenties, for all of its evident problems, is superior to that of Bush, Wolfowitz, and Ashcroft in at least two senses: Schmitt condemns the idea of waging war for profit and recognizes that such wars will often be disguised as moral crusades waged against the “inhuman”; and he acknowledges that claiming to fight a war for humanity denies one's enemies their humanity, leaving them open to torture and even extermination.