Ten‐month‐old infants use prior information to identify an actor's goal

For adults, prior information about an individual's likely goals, preferences or dispositions plays a powerful role in interpreting ambiguous behavior and predicting and interpreting behavior in novel contexts. Across two studies, we investigated whether 10‐month‐old infants’ ability to identify the goal of an ambiguous action sequence was facilitated by seeing prior instances in which the actor directly pursued and obtained her goal, and whether infants could use this prior information to understand the actor's behavior in a new context. Experiment 1 demonstrated that the goal preview impacted infants’ subsequent action understanding, but only if the preview was delivered in the same room as the subsequent action sequence. Experiment 2 demonstrated that infants’ failure to transfer prior goal information across situations arose from a change in the room per se and not other features of the task. Our results suggest that infants may use their understanding of simple actions as a leverage point for understanding novel or ambiguous actions, but that their ability to do so is limited to certain types of contextual changes.     

Number discrimination in 10‐month‐old infants

Two experiments investigated developmental changes in large number discrimination with visual‐spatial arrays. Previous studies found that 6‐month‐old infants were able to discriminate arrays that differ by a ratio of 1:2 but not 2:3. We found that by 10 months, infants were able to reliably discriminate 8 from 12 elements (2:3) but not 8 from 10 elements (4:5). Thus, number discrimination improves in precision during the first year, and these findings converge with studies using auditory stimuli.     

Two‐ to three‐month‐old infants prefer moving face patterns to moving top‐heavy patterns

Newborn infants prefer face‐like patterns over non‐face‐like patterns. This preference is explained by newborns' preference for a “top‐heavy” configuration, that is, for geometric patterns that have more elements in the upper part than in the lower part of the configuration (Simion, Valenza, Macchi Cassia, Turati, & Umiltà, 2002). However, for 3‐month‐old infants, face preference cannot be explained only by a preference for “top‐heaviness” because they prefer veridical face images over top‐heavy images. The present study used geometric patterns to investigate whether 2‐ to 3‐month‐old infants' preference for face patterns exceeds their preference for top‐heavy configurations. In Experiment 1, we revealed that the infants preferred the face pattern to the top‐heavy pattern only when the internal elements of the patterns were presented with face‐like movements. This facilitative effect of internal movement was observed again in Experiment 2, in which the patterns were presented with non‐face‐like movements. These results suggest that 2‐ to 3‐month‐olds' preference for geometric face patterns is greater than their preference for top‐heavy patterns only when aided by the movement of internal elements.     

Shared musical knowledge in 11‐month‐old infants

Five‐month‐old infants selectively attend to novel people who sing melodies originally learned from a parent, but not melodies learned from a musical toy or from an unfamiliar singing adult, suggesting that music conveys social information to infant listeners. Here, we test this interpretation further in older infants with a more direct measure of social preferences. We randomly assigned 64 11‐month‐old infants to 1–2 weeks’ exposure to one of two novel play songs that a parent either sang or produced by activating a recording inside a toy. Infants then viewed videos of two new people, each singing one song. When the people, now silent, each presented the infant with an object, infants in both conditions preferentially chose the object endorsed by the singer of the familiar song. Nevertheless, infants’ visual attention to that object was predicted by the degree of song exposure only for infants who learned from the singing of a parent. Eleven‐month‐olds thus garner social information from songs, whether learned from singing people or from social play with musical toys, but parental singing has distinctive effects on infants’ responses to new singers. Both findings support the hypothesis that infants endow music with social meaning. These findings raise questions concerning the types of music and behavioral contexts that elicit infants’ social responses to those who share music with them, and they support suggestions concerning the psychological functions of music both in contemporary environments and in the environments in which humans evolved.     

Fourteen‐month‐old infants learn similar‐sounding words

Can infants, in the very first stages of word learning, use their perceptual sensitivity to the phonetics of speech while learning words? Research to date suggests that infants of 14 months cannot learn two similar‐sounding words unless there is substantial contextual support. The current experiment advances our understanding of this failure by testing whether the source of infants’ difficulty lies in the learning or testing phase. Infants were taught to associate two similar‐sounding words with two different objects, and tested using a visual choice method rather than the standard Switch task. The results reveal that 14‐month‐olds are capable of learning and mapping two similar‐sounding labels; they can apply phonetic detail in new words. The findings are discussed in relation to infants’ concurrent failure, and the developmental transition to success, in the Switch task.     

Infants' ability to match dynamic phonetic and gender information in the face and voice.

Six experiments tested young infants' sensitivity to vowel and gender information in dynamic faces and voices. Infants were presented with side-by-side displays of two faces articulating the vowels /a/ or /i/ in synchrony. The heard voice matched the gender of one face in some studies and the vowel of one face in other studies and, in some studies, vowel and gender were placed in conflict. Infants of age 4.5 months showed no evidence of matching face and voice on the basis of gender, but were able to ignore irrelevant gender information and match on the basis of the vowel. Robust evidence of the ability to match on the basis of gender was not evident until 8 months of age. This set of findings suggests that, when identical stimuli are used, gender matching does not emerge until a later age than does phonetic matching. Results are discussed in relation to key theories of intermodal development.     

Categorization and understanding of facial expressions in 4‐month‐old infants

This study examined whether 4‐month‐olds (N = 40) could perceptually categorize happy and angry faces, and show appropriate behavior in response to these faces. During the habituation phase, infants were shown the same type of facial expressions (happy or angry) posed by three models, and their behavior in response to those faces was observed. During the test phase immediately after the habituation phase, infants saw a novel emotional expression and a familiar expression posed by a new model, and their looking times were measured. The results indicated that, although 4‐month‐olds could perceptually categorize happy and angry faces accurately, they responded positively to both expression types. These findings suggest that, although infants can perceptually categorize facial expressions at 4 months of age, they require further time to learn the affective meanings of the facial expressions.     

Learning from others in 9‐18‐month‐old infants

The use of an adult as a resource for help and instruction in a problem solving situation was examined in 9, 14, and 18‐month‐old infants. Infants were placed in various situations ranging from a simple means‐end task where a toy was placed beyond infants' prehensile space on a mat, to instances where an attractive toy was placed inside closed transparent boxes that were more or less difficult for the child to open. The experimenter gave hints and modelled the solution each time the infant made a request (pointing, reaching, or showing a box to the experimenter), or if the infant was unable to solve the problem. Infants' success on the problems, sensitivity to the experimenter's modelling, and communicative gestures (requests, co‐occurrence of looking behaviour and requests) were analysed. Results show that older infants had better success in solving problems although they exhibited difficulties in solving the simple means‐end task compared to the younger infants. Moreover, 14‐ and 18‐month‐olds were sensitive to the experimenter's modelling and used her demonstration cues to solve problems. By contrast, 9‐month‐olds did not show such sensitivity. Finally, 9‐month‐old infants displayed significantly fewer communicative gestures toward the adult compared to the other age groups, although in general, all infants tended to increase their frequency of requests as a function of problem difficulty. These observations support the idea that during the first half of the second year infants develop a new collaborative stance toward others. The stance is interpreted as foundational to teaching and instruction, two mechanisms of social learning that are sometime considered as specifically human. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Posture,muscular tone and visual attention in 5 month‐old infants

The present paper aims at studying the relationships between posture, muscle tone and visual attention in 5 month‐old infants. To this end, a specially designed seating arrangement made it possible to vary posture while keeping constant the spatial relationship between eyes and stimuli. Five month‐olds were placed in the reclining position (30°) or in a more erect position (60°). The more erect the posture, the more difficult it should be for the infant to maintain a straight body axis. Muscle tone was evaluated, and infants distinguished in terms of whether they were hypertonic or hypotonic. It was hypothesised that in a more erect position hypotonic children, who experience more difficulties in maintaining posture, should organise their visual exploration in ways different from those considered to be hypertonic. To test it, pairs of three‐dimensional stimuli were presented in the distal visual field for one group (N=48) and in the proximal visual field in another group (N=32) for 2 min in each posture. The dynamical organisation of attention was evaluated through the number and duration of fixations on each target, the number of shifts from one target to the other (alternations) and the number of repetitions (back to the previous target). Results showed that visual behaviour was significantly affected by the distance at which stimuli were presented. Infants spent more time in visual exploration when the object was within reach than when it was out of reach. Although posture was shown to play a role in the organisation of visual exploration, no link with muscle tone was found, a surprising result which is discussed. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Reasoning about collisions involving inert objects in 7.5‐month‐old infants

The present research asked whether 7.5‐month‐old infants realize that an object cannot displace another object without contacting it. The infants in Experiment 1 were assigned to a contact or a no‐contact condition. The infants in the no‐contact condition saw static familiarization displays in which a tall, thin barrier stood across the bottom of a ramp; a cylinder rested against the left side of the barrier and a wheeled toy bug against its right side. The infants in the contact condition saw similar displays except that a large portion of the barrier’s lower half was removed so that the cylinder rested directly against the bug. Next, a small screen was placed in front of the bottom of the ramp; only the upper portion of the barrier was visible above the screen. The infants in the two conditions watched the same test event. The cylinder was released and rolled to the bottom of the ramp, partly disappearing behind the screen’s left edge; next, the bug rolled down the track, as though launched by the cylinder. The infants in the no‐contact condition looked reliably longer at the test event than did those in the contact condition. This result suggested that the infants (a) viewed the bug as an inert object that could move only when acted upon; (b) believed that the cylinder could not act on the bug without contacting it; (c) realized that the cylinder could contact the bug when the half‐barrier but not the barrier was present; (d) remembered after the screen was raised whether contact was possible between the cylinder and bug; and (e) were surprised in the no‐contact condition when the bug was launched down the track. A second experiment confirmed the results of Experiment 1. Previous research comparing infants’ responses to no‐contact and contact events has typically made use of self‐moving rather than inert objects. These experiments have consistently found that infants do not look reliably longer at no‐contact than at contact events. In the General Discussion, we examine the contrast between these prior results and the present results and speculate on how infants’ expectations about inert and self‐moving objects may be best characterized.     

Four‐month‐old infants individuate and track simple tools following functional demonstrations

Two experiments examined whether 4‐month‐olds (n = 120) who were induced to assign two objects to different categories would then be able to take advantage of these contrastive categorical encodings to individuate and track the objects. In each experiment, infants first watched functional demonstrations of two tools, a masher and tongs (Experiment 1) or a marker and a knife (Experiment 2). Next, half the infants saw the two tools brought out alternately from behind a screen, which was then lowered to reveal only one of the tools (different‐objects condition); the other infants saw similar events except that the same tool was shown on either side of the screen (same‐object condition). In both experiments, infants in the different‐objects condition looked reliably longer than those in the same‐object condition, and this effect was eliminated if the demonstrations involved similar but non‐functional actions. Together, these results indicate that infants (a) were led by the functional demonstrations they observed to assign the two tools to distinct categories, (b) recruited these categorical encodings to individuate and track the tools, and hence (c) detected a violation in the different‐objects condition when the screen was lowered to reveal only one tool. Categorical information thus plays a privileged role in individuation and identity tracking from a very young age.     

Fourteen‐month‐old infants track the language comprehension of communicative partners

Infants employ sophisticated mechanisms to acquire their first language, including some that rely on taking the perspective of adults as speakers or listeners. When do infants first show awareness of what other people understand? We tested 14‐month‐old infants in two experiments measuring event‐related potentials. In Experiment 1, we established that infants produce the N400 effect, a brain signature of semantic violations, in a live object naming paradigm in the presence of an adult observer. In Experiment 2, we induced false beliefs about the labeled objects in the adult observer to test whether infants keep track of the other person's comprehension. The results revealed that infants reacted to the semantic incongruity heard by the other as if they encountered it themselves: they exhibited an N400‐like response, even though labels were congruous from their perspective. This finding demonstrates that infants track the linguistic understanding of social partners. A video abstract of this article can be viewed at https://youtu.be/pQUv8yFhnbk .     

Memory in 3‐month‐old infants benefits from a short nap

A broad range of studies demonstrate that sleep has a facilitating role in memory consolidation (see Rasch & Born, 2013 ). Whether sleep‐dependent memory consolidation is also apparent in infants in their first few months of life has not been investigated. We demonstrate that 3‐month‐old infants only remember a cartoon face approximately 1.5–2 hours after its first presentation when a period of sleep followed learning. Furthermore, habituation time, that is, the time to become bored with a stimulus shown repetitively, correlated negatively with the density of infant sleep spindles, implying that processing speed is linked to specific electroencephalographic components of sleep. Our findings show that without a short period of sleep infants have problems remembering a newly seen face, that sleep enhances memory consolidation from a very early age, highlighting the importance of napping in infancy, and that infant sleep spindles may be associated with some aspects of cognitive ability.     

Joint attention and object learning in 5‐ and 7‐month‐old infants

We examined the effects of joint attention for object learning in 5‐ and 7‐month‐old infants. Infants interacted with an adult social partner who taught them about a novel toy in two conditions. In the Joint Attention condition, the adult spoke about the toy while alternating gaze between the infant and the toy, while in the Object Only condition, the adult looked to the toy and to a spot on the ceiling, but never at the infant. In the test trials following each social interaction, we presented infants with the ‘familiarization’ toy and a novel toy, and monitored looking times to each object. We found that 7‐month‐olds looked significantly longer to the novel toy following the Joint Attention relative to the Object Only condition, while 5‐month‐old infants did not show a significant difference across conditions. We interpret these results to suggest that joint attention facilitated 7‐month‐old infants' encoding of information about the familiarization object. Implications for the ontogeny of infant learning in joint attention contexts are discussed. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Electrophysiological responses to auditory novelty in temperamentally different 9‐month‐old infants

Behavioral reactivity to novel stimuli in the first half‐year of life has been identified as a key aspect of early temperament and a significant precursor of approach and withdrawal tendencies to novelty in later infancy and early childhood. The current study examines the neural signatures of reactivity to novel auditory stimuli in 9‐month‐old infants in relation to prior temperamental reactivity. On the basis of the assessment of behavioral reactivity scores at 4 months of age, infants were classified into groups of high negatively reactive and high positively reactive infants. Along with an unselected control group, these groups of temperamentally different infants were given a three‐stimulus auditory oddball task at 9 months of age which employed frequent standard and infrequent deviant tones as well as a set of complex novel sounds. In comparison to high positively reactive and control infants, high negatively reactive infants displayed increased amplitude of a positive slow wave in the ERP response to deviant tones compared to standard tones. In contrast, high positively reactive infants showed a larger novelty P3 to the complex novel sounds. Results are discussed in terms of optimal levels of novelty for temperamentally different infants.     

Language‐specific stress perception by 9‐month‐old French and Spanish infants

During the first year of life, infants begin to have difficulties perceiving non‐native vowel and consonant contrasts, thus adapting their perception to the phonetic categories of the target language. In this paper, we examine the perception of a non‐segmental feature, i.e. stress. Previous research with adults has shown that speakers of French (a language with fixed stress) have great difficulties in perceiving stress contrasts ( Dupoux, Pallier, Sebastián & Mehler, 1997 ), whereas speakers of Spanish (a language with lexically contrastive stress) perceive these contrasts as accurately as segmental contrasts. We show that language‐specific differences in the perception of stress likewise arise during the first year of life. Specifically, 9‐month‐old Spanish infants successfully distinguish between stress‐initial and stress‐final pseudo‐words, while French infants of this age show no sign of discrimination. In a second experiment using multiple tokens of a single pseudo‐word, French infants of the same age successfully discriminate between the two stress patterns, showing that they are able to perceive the acoustic correlates of stress. Their failure to discriminate stress patterns in the first experiment thus reflects an inability to process stress at an abstract, phonological level.     

Eighteen‐month‐old infants show distinct electrophysiological responses to their own faces

Infants attain the developmental milestone of self‐recognition around 18 to 24 months of age. At 18 months of age, half of the infant population typically shows signs of self‐recognition in the classic mirror test. The current study examined the functional neural correlates of the perception of self in infancy. Eighteen‐month‐old infants observed photographs of their own face, the face of an unfamiliar infant, the face of their caregiver, and the face of an unfamiliar caregiver, while their EEG was registered. The results show that infants show an enhanced response to their own face compared to other faces. The N290, an established face‐selective ERP component in infants, was larger for observation of their own face compared to others’ faces. In addition to the EEG task, the mirror test was administered. Half of the infants in our sample recognized themselves in the mirror. However, there were no differences in the ERP responses between the infants who did and did not recognize themselves in the mirror. This suggests that a distinction between the neural response to self and to others does not necessarily express itself in self‐recognition behavior.     

The attentional ‘zoom‐lens’ in 8‐month‐old infants

The spatial attention mechanisms of orienting and zooming cooperate to properly select visual information from the environment and plan eye movements accordingly. Despite the fact that orienting ability has been extensively studied in infancy, the zooming mechanism – namely, the ability to distribute the attentional resources to a small or large portion of the visual field – has never been tested before. The aim of the present study was to evaluate the attentional zooming abilities of 8‐month‐old infants. An eye‐tracker device was employed to measure the saccadic latencies (SLs) at the onset of a visual target displayed at two eccentricities. The size of the more eccentric target was adjusted in order to counteract the effect of cortical magnification. Before the target display, attentional resources were automatically focused (zoom‐in) or spread out (zoom‐out) by using a small or large cue, respectively. Two different cue–target intervals were also employed to measure the time course of this attentional mechanism. The results showed that infants' SLs varied as a function of the cue size. Moreover, a clear time course emerged, demonstrating that infants can rapidly adjust the attentional focus size during a pre‐saccadic temporal window. These findings could serve as an early marker for neurodevelopmental disorders associated with attentional zooming dysfunction such as autism and dyslexia.