Nationalism, Patriotism, and Cosmopolitanism in an Age of Globalization

A major issue in political philosophy is the extent to which one or another version of nationalism or, by contrast, cosmopolitanism, is morally justified. Nationalism, like cosmopolitanism, may be understood as a position on the status and responsibilities of nation states, but the terms may also be used to designate attitudes appropriate to those positions. One problem in political philosophy is to distinguish and appraise various forms of nationalism and cosmopolitanism; a related problem is how to understand the relation of patriotism to each. Nationalists may tend to be patriots, but need not be; patriots may tend to be nationalists, but need not be. Like nationalism, patriotism may also be considered in propositional forms or in related attitudinal forms; but unlike nationalism and cosmopolitanism, patriotism can exist in the form of an emotion: roughly, love of one’s country. This paper characterizes nationalism, cosmopolitanism, and patriotism in both forms and argues for a conception of patriotism on which it is both distinct from nationalism and compatible with certain kinds of cosmopolitanism. It also suggests that, in qualified forms, nationalism and cosmopolitanism may overlap in what they require of their proponents.     

Patriotism and Human Rights: An Argument for Unpatriotic Patriotism

This paper centres on the question as to whether human rights can be reconciled with patriotism. It lays out the more conventional arguments which perceive them as incommensurable concepts. A central aspect of this incommensurability relates to the close historical tie between patriotism and the state. One further dimension of this argument is then articulated, namely, the contention that patriotism is an explicitly political concept. The implicit antagonism between, on the one hand, the state, politics and patriotism, and, on the other hand, human rights, is illustrated via the work of Carl Schmitt. However, in the last few decades there has been a resurgence of interest in patriotism and an attempt to formulate a more moderate form, which tries to reconcile itself with universal ethical themes. Some of these arguments are briefly summarised; the discussion then focuses on Jürgen Habermas’s understanding of constitutional patriotism. This is seen to provide an effective response to Schmitt’s arguments. There are weaknesses in the constitutional patriotic argument which relate to its limited understanding of both the state and politics. This leads me to formulate my own argument for “unpatriotic patriotism.” The discussion then examines and responds to certain potential criticisms of this argument.     

The Problem of Patriotism: A Psychoanalytic and Theological Analysis

In this article, I examine patriotism from psychoanalytic and theological perspectives, arguing that it is a deeply problematic form of love and devotion. After providing a brief overview of the discourse vis-à-vis patriotism, I depict the characteristics of a dominant form of patriotism (self-state) in the U.S. Given this, I argue that, while patriotism has a variety of forms, the most prevalent form tends toward tragic consequences and it is this tragic tendency that I depict from psychoanalytic and theological perspectives. From a psychoanalytic perspective, the extant form of patriotism in the U.S. represents a self-state that signifies an idealized, omnipotent, and imaginary identification, which is accompanied by and contingent upon a devaluation of the Other. Moreover, the dominant form of patriotic self-states is secured by weak dissociation, omnipotent thinking and, in most cases, a collapse of the symbolic equation. From a Christian theological perspective, patriotism signifies absolutizing the relative and contingent. This form of idolatry manifests a distortion of reason and will, which contributes to corrupted and corrupting forms of love and devotion.     

尊礼的义务:洛克式爱国主义的构成与展现

洛克的爱国主义思想主要是通过"尊礼的义务"体现出来的。从尊礼家长到尊礼君王、再到尊礼国家,构成洛克式爱国主义的脉络。在洛克的语境中,尊礼家长的义务不是一项政治义务,但它具有与同意、自愿、职责、共同福祉相关的政治特质,这是洛克式爱国主义的根源。在政治社会中,不可取消的、永恒的、尊礼家长的非政治义务转变为可取消的、有条件的、尊礼君王的政治义务,以平衡尊礼政治权威与规训君王权力之间的张力。而当人民反抗君王的权利与人民尊礼君王的义务之间的矛盾需要调解时,尊礼的对象则落定为君王所代表的政治共同体——国家,以便与可反抗的君王自然之身区别开来,由此呈现出洛克式爱国主义的主旨——捍卫共同福祉。英国光荣革命后,有效协调个体与集体、人民与君王、人民及其代表之间的有限君主制,不仅成为洛克尊礼的对象,也成为洛克式爱国主义的具体范例。     

James C. Edwards,The Plain Sense of Things: The Fate of Religion in an Age of Normal Nihilism

International Journal for Philosophy of Religion -     

The Lausanne Trilogue Play paradigm: Breaking Discoveries in Family Process and Therapy

This article provides a brief history of key developments in the growth of the Lausanne Trilogue Play (LTP) paradigm that paved a foundation for new scholarship featured in the papers that follow. We outline core, foundational elements of the LTP work, highlighting the close interplay between clinical and research applications, the systems orientation in both regards, the dual attention to both top down (metamodel) and bottom up (microanalysis, in particular) frames, and the relevance of transitions from dyad to triad. Next, later developments in methodological refinement and expansion within the LTP’s country-of-origin are described, with closing commentary provided on the path-breaking contributions of several investigations that employed the LTP in five different countries, each illuminating previously under-studied family phenomena. The historical considerations spotlighted in this article, and the lessons learned from new empirical investigations the early work has inspired, are important to consider in tandem as the field begins expanding beyond the LTP’s original foundations and makes increasing use of the paradigm as a research instrument beyond clinical settings.     

Orientalism, representation and religion: the reality behind the myth

Said's Orientalism has been called an ‘epoch-making’ and ‘paradigm constitutive’ book. While it undoubtedly caused a stir on its appearance and proved an important influence upon post-colonial studies and other developments in literary and cultural theory, a careful re-reading of it reveals a deeply flawed work that offers a confused analysis of human representations and realities, a highly selective and partial engagement with Western and Middle Eastern history and scholarship, and a particularly unhelpful approach to religion. The argument offered here is that Said's claims about ‘Orientalism’ are actually incoherent, veering between Foucauldian social constructionism and references to trans-cultural human realities; that the theoretical approaches to religion are inconsistent and highly selective; that the account of human agency is entirely inadequate; and that, although Said condemns entire generations of Orientalist scholars as racist, imperialist and ethnocentric, he is insufficiently reflective about his own scholarly position and the implications of its inconsistencies. Although Orientalism has been hailed as a book that ‘breathed insurgency’, it actually offers a vision of human beings as remarkably powerless in the face of arbitrary and abstract discourses that define their lives as oppressors or oppressed. Said sought to demonstrate that the reality behind the myth of scholarly impartiality was a racist and ethnocentric exercise of control and authority over the Orient, but the reality behind the myth of Orientalism is a theoretically flawed work offering a reductive account of religion and an impoverished view of human beings.     

Representation and its discontents: Orientalism, Islam and the Palestinian crisis

Orientalism has become the pivotal account of the relationship between Europe and its others. But its very focused and selective account of Orientalism has provoked controversy from all sides. Said's work must be seen as an argument rather than as the presentation of some transcendental historical truth because we may then see that it fulfils a much broader task set for the ‘Oriental’: to take back the power of representation from the dominant culture. Orientalism remains even more critical now than twenty-five years ago because the task of taking hold of self-representation has become, for Palestinians, a matter of life and death. Resistance (muqãwamah) was first applied to literature by the Palestinian writer and critic Ghassan Kanafani, and the example of post-colonial literature remains the crucial model for the Palestinian people. This article proposes that the post-colonial strategy of transformation turns resistance from a simple opposition to a control of the means of representation. Success for the Palestinian people will never come from armed struggle but from the control of representation and the communication of the Palestinian situation to a dominant audience. In this way the achievement of Orientalism can be extended to the level of contemporary politics.     

Subjection and Companionship: The French Reformed Marriage

Abstract

This paper examines the relationship between Reformation ideals of gender and sexuality with the reality of Reformed life in France in the late sixteenth century. Centring on the theory and practice of marriage, the paper examines Jean Calvin's discourse on marriage, noting his significant departure from pre-Reformation concepts of sexuality and his affirmation of companionship in the conjugal bond. Yet, the author also highlights the significant complications with, or even detractions from, this model inherent in Calvin's theology of the Fall, and his understanding of ‘subjection'. These strands of Reformed theory are then compared with two cases drawn from the registers of the consistories, or church courts, of two Protestant towns in southern France, in 1578 and 1595. The findings suggest that ideas of subjection and companionship, though helpful perhaps in the theory of marriage, rarely began to encompass the colourful and messy realities of daily life among the Huguenots.